Correspondence between Dantiscus and Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN
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Results found: 49 preserved: 41 + lost: 8 | 1 | IDL 122 |    Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, [Augsburg], [1516-10-21 — 1516-10-28] |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 19r-v
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Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 1, p. 67-69 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
 ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 19v
Generoso domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herbstain[1] ⌋, ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ consiliario ac oratori etc., domino observandissimo.
Concepi summam de Generositate Vestra fiduciam pro eximia humanitate ac benevolentia sua erga me. Proinde audentior factus decrevi res meas providentiae ms. provincie(!)
⌈providentiaeprovidentiae ms. provincie(!)
⌉ Generositatis Vestrae committere. Non licet mihi non vocato ad ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋ accedere, praesertim cum mihi dignata sit per Generositatem Vestram mandare, quod hic perseverem usque ad ulteriorem suae maiestatis caesareae informationem[2]. Rogo itaque, quantum etiam vix a me rogari pateretur, velit mihi apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋ patrocinari, ut ⌊sua maiestas⌋ Generositati Vestrae oratori suo admandaret, ut me ⌊serenissimo domino meo⌋, dum illac[3] feliciter appulerit[4], et fidelia mea servitia ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋ exhibita commendaret[5]. Deinde quatenus ⌊sua maiestas caesarea⌋ dignetur clementiorem ad me habere respectum, ut videar a ⌊sua maiestate⌋ non ab officialibus dependere, et quod ⌊sua maiestas⌋ annueret, ut per Generositatem Vestram ⌊serenissimo domino meo⌋ mihi scribere liceret, quod deinceps, si mihi diutius hic manendum est, in ⌊domini mei serenissimi⌋ expensis esset vivendum[6].
cf. Vulg. Lc 16.3 Fodere non valeo, mendicare erubesco ⌊Fodere non valeo, mendicare erubesco, sententia tenet.cf. Vulg. Lc 16.3 Fodere non valeo, mendicare erubesco ⌋
In omnibus me offero ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋, sicubi opera mea uti dignabitur, ut feci hactenus, fidelissimum servitorem[7]. Procuret mihi in his Generositas Vestra et ferat mihi gratiosum a ⌊maiestate caesarea⌋ responsum, et sic faciat, prout velit me agere apud ⌊dominum meum serenissimum⌋, cui, quantum meae vires possunt, Generositatem Vestram ac res eiusdem commendare ex animo studebo. Commendo me Generositati Vestrae.
[1] In the early days of his correspondence with Herberstein (CEID 2/1, letters No. 1, 2, 4-6) Dantiscus uses this syncopated form of his name. In Dantiscus’ subsequent letters, the forms “Herberstain” and sometimes “Erberstain” appear. Herberstein himself usually signed his name as “Herberstain”.
.
[2] We don’t know if the order for Dantiscus to remain in Augsburg was given to Herberstein orally, or if it was contained in a letter unknown to us.
[3] From the end of February 1516 to December 1517, Sigismund I was residing temporarily in ⌊Vilnius⌋, the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (see Gąsiorowski, p. 261)
.
[4] The decision to entrust Herberstein with the mission to Sigismund I and Grand Duke of Muscovy Vasily III had already been made. Dantiscus worked hard to speed up the departure of the legation, the main aims of the mission being to mediate in the peace between the ruler of Poland and Lithuania and the ruler of the Grand Duchy of Muscovy, negotiating the relations between Poland and the Teutonic Order, and bringing about the Polish king’s new marriage to duchess Bona Sforza (see ⌊⌋, No. 11, footnote 7-8). In his letter from Augsburg dated November 19, 1516 he informed Warmia Bishop Fabian Luzjański that the imperial envoys prope diem hinc ad serenissimum dominum nostrum in re Moscica ac etiam nostra Prutena ituri sunt. However, Herberstein did not set off for Poland until early 1517 (BCz, 1594, p. 323, cf. Herberstein 1855, p. 104-109; Herberstein 1560, f. B3v, and CEID 2.1, Introduction, p. 23-24, and No. 8, footnote 4).
[5] In fact, at an audience in Vilnius in early March 1517, Herberstein did tell Sigismund I about Dantiscus’ services to the emperor and his request to leave the Polish envoy in service, and Sigismund I was happy to oblige (see CEID 2.1, Introduction, p. 24, and No. 8, footnote 47).
[6] For more about Dantiscus’ financial difficulties at the time, cf. CEID 2.1, No. 2 and 4-6.
[7] For more about the services rendered to the emperor by Dantiscus as an envoy of the Polish king, see CEID 2.1, Introduction, p. 15-27.
| | | 2 | IDL 118 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Augsburg, 1516-10-29 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 15r-v + f. [1] missed in numbering after f. 15
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Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 2, p. 70-73 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 15v
Generoso Domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herbstain⌋, consiliario ac oratori ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋, domino et amico observandissimo.
De meis calamitatibus, quas post vestrum hinc discessum passus sum, multa essent scribenda. Sed quia timeo, ne plus affectus et dolor ipse, qui nunc me occupat, plura, quam epistola desiderat, ferat, paucis me expediam. Vesperi, dum Generositas Vestra mecum erat in symposio ms. simposio(!)
⌈symposiosymposio ms. simposio(!)
⌉, ut scitum, exorta erat quaedam controversia inter famulum meum et ⌊Laurentium⌋ quendam istius ⌊de Elss⌋ ⌊Cruciferorum⌋ famulum, quae utcumque fuit sopita. Postero die conveni dictum ⌊Laurentium⌋, ut me certiorem redderet, quamobrem omnia essent acta. Respondit, quod propter quaedam verba, quae hospita mea se a meo servitore retulisset audivisse. Discessum est inter nos in fine, quod idem ⌊Laurentius⌋ nihil vel contra me aut meum famulum praetenderet agere, immo ubi mihi possit obsequi, obtulit se libenter facturum. Quod etiam ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ aulico domino Elsenhemer[1], qui ista semper fatebitur, paulopost exposuit. Hodie accidit, dum essem in ecclesia sacris intentus, quod ⌊Laurentius⌋ famulum meum vidit exeuntem de hospitio, quod prope vestrum conduxi, propter pacem et maiorem commoditatem, et exiliens a tergo contra eum inflixit ei duo letifera vulnera, antequam ad ensem famulus meus pervenisset. Quo exempto non sine difficultate cum acceptis a tergo vulneribus abscidit ⌊hosti⌋ suo aliquos articulos et nisi fuisset abstractus, occidisset eum. ⌊Laurentius⌋ fuit armatus testam habens in capite ferream, quam ei famulus meus una cum pileo sine tamen damno de capite desecavit. Nunc autem famulus meus cum vulneribus in potestate est Divina, si vivet nec ne, et cogor cum eo habere patientiam. Quia hic illata sunt vulnera, fere in aula ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋, cum hic adhuc fere omnes et equi suae maiestatis maneant, dominus ⌊Georgius de Elss⌋ hinc abiit hoc ⌊interfectore⌋ relicto. Quid in hoc aliud considerem, quam vetus odium, nescio. Si etiam factum est ex instinctu eiusdem, plane me latet. Credo, quod famulus eius non ausus fuisset manere hic absque consensu domini sui, cuius, ut mihi persuasi, iussu haec fortassis acta sunt. Et ut opinor debuerant haec in me redundasse, quia ⌊serenissimi domini mei regis Poloniae⌋ servus sum et quod videor suspectus, quoniam multa contra ⌊Ordinem⌋ sollicitem apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋. Quomodocumque se res habet, famulus meus patitur et de vita dubium est. Confugio itaque ad Generositatem Vestram summa cum fiducia, neminem enim, cum ignotus et exoticus sum in aula caesaris, quam Generositatem Vestram habeo, cui has querelas gravissimas et ignominiam illatam deferre possim. Rogo igitur suo tempore has meas iniurias ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋ ex animo exponat eandemque deprecetur, ut clementer in me, qui ⌊suae maiestati⌋ fideliter servivi et ulterius servire decrevi, respectum habeat committatque magistro curiae[2] suae, ut
cf. Liv. 3, 46, 6 in eo verti puellae salutem, si postero die vindex iniuriae ad tempus praesto esset ⌊vindex sit iniuriaecf. Liv. 3, 46, 6 in eo verti puellae salutem, si postero die vindex iniuriae ad tempus praesto esset ⌋ meae[3], nam occisor iste adhuc hic est, ne videatur frustra probum et bonum hominem, fidelem meum servum offendisse. Confido summe Generositatem Vestram pro summo meo in eandem amore acmeum observantia aliter non facturam.
Quid de reliquis rebus meis scribere debeam, per se potest Generositas Vestra intelligere, dum sic perplexe negotia mea aguntur. Nescio, quibus fatis in has turbas impellor. Offendo neminem, immo velim omnibus prodesse, nec etiam sum ab insitu naturali tam durus vel potius ferus, quod cum hominibus convenire nesciam. Tamen undique hac tempestate premor. Non solum hoc infortunium contra me, verum etiam in equos meos grassatur. Unus de equis meis, quem meliorem et cariorem habui, luxatus est, hoc est claudicat et nusquam potest[4], famulus ad mortem vulneratus. Alter Polonus meus apostema quoddam nactus est. ⌊⌋ De XXX Renensibus, quos nuper ex commissione ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ accepi[5], solutis solvendis 4 restant. Quam diu hic cum his vivere possum, potest Generositas Vestra considerare. Proinde iterum iterumque Generositatem Vestram rogo, conferat cum ⌊caesarea maiestate⌋ de provisione mea ulteriori, rogetque suam maiestatem, ut permittat me hic manere, donec famulus meus, si possibile est, convalescat, tamen perinde est ⌊suae maiestati⌋, si opera mea non indiget, ubi maneo, feratque mihi certitudinem de omnibus rebus meis, prout rogavi, et fideliter mihi patrocinetur. Quod, quantum eniti possum, omni studio, industria, labore mereri erga Generositatem Vestram conabor. Cui me ac saucium famulum meum commendo.
Generositatis Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, doctor, serenissimi Polonie regis etc. nuntius et secretarius.
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. f. [1] missed in numbering after 15
Postscript:
In conclusione litterarum venit ad me hospes cum quadam vehementia volens habere pecuniam, quae nunc mihi hostis est, ideo mecum non habitat. Urgeor, impulsor et angor fere ab omni parte, propter maledictas, quia non habeo, benedictas, dum habuero, pecunias. Generositas Vestra pergat, ut incepit, agere cum ⌊caesarea maiestate⌋, ut saltem aliquid habeam, si non omnia, quo sim solvendo, ut hospes paulisper conquiescat. Scit, ut opinor, Generositas Vestra, quam molestum est a creditoribus semper urgeri, impulsari, angi etc.
[1] ⌊Wolfgang⌋ or ⌊Heinrich Elsenheimer⌋.
[2] Most likely ⌊Wilhelm II Freiherr von Rappoltstein⌋, although in this context one could expect rather a majordomo who oversaw courtiers and who was in that time ⌊Leonhard Rauber⌋.
[3] Dantiscus most probably means the emperor’s mandate to the court steward, to make sure that the attacker of Dantiscus’ servant was punished. This mandate is discussed in CEID 2/1, letters No. 3 and 5.
[4] Unus de equis meis — — nusquam potest – this is probably a German borrowing. In German, the verb “Kann” – ‘be able to’ sometimes means ‘can go somewhere’. Then, this would be a calque from the German: “das Pferd kann nirgends hin”.
[5] This amount is not recorded in preserved imperial accounts for October 1516. Neither are any other payments to Dantiscus recorded at the end of 1516; we know he received 20 Rhine guldens on September 11, for the journey from ⌊Innsbruck⌋ to ⌊Augsburg⌋, see TLA, Oberösterreichische Kammerraitbücher, Bd 64 (Raitbuch des Tiroler Kammermeisters Ulrich Möringer für den Zeitraum 1515 Dezember 25 – 1516 Dezember 24), fol. 197, cf. also CEID 2/1, letter No. 6, footnote 4.
| | | 3 | IDL 4887 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Bregenz, 1516-11-04 | received [1516]-11-07
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, AAWO, AB, D. 65, f. 145
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8245 (TK 7), f. 84r-v
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 3, p. 74-75 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
AAWO, AB, D. 65, f. 145v
Nobili et egregio viro, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, doctori, serenissimi ⌊regis Poloniae⌋ secretario et nuntio apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋, amico et tanquam fratri carissimo
Accepi litteras vestras, quibus me certiorem reddidistis de perceptis calamitatibus vestris et praesertim ex vulneratione servitoris vestri. Id et quodcumque Vestrae Humanitati adversum contigerit doleo. Retuli hac hora ⌊caesari⌋, qua mihi praesentatae sunt litterae vestrae. ⌊Eius maiestas⌋ satis aegre tulit. Attamen non suspicatur haec evenisse ex instinctu aut iussu domini ⌊de Els⌋, cum ad eius petita quasi nullum inconveniens susceperit responsum. ⌊Maiestas sua⌋ deliberavit hanc causam committere et admittit, ut possitis illic aliquantisper et ad beneplacitum suae maiestatis permanere. De provisione autem vestra nihil omnino reticui suae maiestati et desuper petiit memoriale[1]. Ego non dimittam, quin mecum (si saltem possibile erit) responsum offeram. ⌊Sua maiestas⌋ utetur etiam in brevi vestra opera ut prius etc.[2] Et ex quo iam tot arduissima negotia prae manibus sunt, ut et ego non potui expediri[3] et litteras vel commisionem[4] ad ipsum ⌊magistrum curiae⌋, quamvis scriptae sunt, tamen non potui efficere, ut hodie signasset. Nolui tamen has postas abire sine meis litteris. Iam non plura, si bono animo sitis.
Valete.
Ex ⌊Bregnitz⌋, 4 Novembris anno 1516.
⌊Sigismundus de Herberstain⌋, eques.
[1] For more on this memorandum, see ⌊⌋, footnote 6.
[2] Cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 1.
[3] This most likely refers to Herberstein’s mission to Poland and Muscovy (cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 7).
[4] Dantiscus speaks of this order as a mandate to the court steward in ⌊⌋, see footnotes 4 and 7.
| | | 4 | IDL 119 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Augsburg, 1516-11-05 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 16r-v
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Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 4, p. 76-78 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 16v
Generoso domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herbstain⌋[1], consiliario et oratori ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋, domino et amico observandissimo.
Accepi litteras Generositatis Vestrae, datas ex ⌊Reitten⌋ 1516-10-27⌊XXVII Octobris1516-10-27⌋, 1525-11-05⌊quinta huius mensis Novembris1525-11-05⌋ allatas[2] ad me per quendam ad me missum a domino Vinsterwalter, quibus mihi mentem ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ significat, utpote, quod quantocius irem ⌊Insprugk⌋. Hoc quam facerem libenter, nec dici nec scribi potest, cur autem fieri impraesentiarum adhuc fieri non possit, intellexit ex litteris meis per Veit Hofer missis, in quibus omnes meas incommoditates et de famulo saucio etc. ac etiam de mea inopia perscripsi. Quaspropter Generositatem Vestram non rogo solum, verum confidenter obsecro, ut omnia ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋ exponat. Nihil renuo ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋, etiam si mox moriendum esset, dummodo clementius in me respiciat, ne videar omnibus hic mortalibus ludibrium. Ille[3], qui famulum meum fraudulenter ac praeter causam sat dignam vulneravit, versatur cotidie in oculis meis et creditur omnia, quae perfide gessit, impune egisse, non sine mea magna ignominia. Misereatur quaeso mei Generositas Vestra, si forsan ⌊caesarea maiestas⌋ mei misereri gravabitur, propter quam tot nuper subivi pericula et omnes meas fortunas apud ⌊serenissimum dominum meum⌋, domum, parentes, actiones, omnia denique mea reliqui, et consoletur me.
cf. Vulg. Est. 4:1 spargens cinerem capiti et in platea mediae civitatis voce magna clamabat ostendens amaritudinem animi sui ⌊Prae amaritudine animicf. Vulg. Est. 4:1 spargens cinerem capiti et in platea mediae civitatis voce magna clamabat ostendens amaritudinem animi sui ⌋ ac dolore summo plus de his scribere nequeo, videntur enim hae levitates mihi soli non illatae, sed domino etc. Praeterea quomodo mihi nunc est eundum? Viaticum non habeo. 1516-11-04⌊Heri1516-11-04⌋ accepi in mutuum non sine rubore a domino doctore ⌊Conrado Peutinger⌋ quindecim Renenses, cum quibus usque ad Generositatis Vestrae adventum vivere decrevi. Nihil recuso pro ⌊caesarea maiestate⌋, immo fideliter, ut consuevi, serviam, et serviam quam diu in vivis fuero. Consideret modo ⌊sua maiestas⌋, in quibus iactor procellis, potis est me facile eruere. Iturus sum quocumque maiestas sua mandaverit, nec patriae me desiderium detinebit. Non sum ut aspalacus, qui non nisi apud Boeotios ms. Boecios(!)
⌈BoeotiosBoeotios ms. Boecios(!)
⌉, ubi nascitur, vivere potest[4]. Ego vivam undique et moriar, ubi ⌊maiestas caesarea⌋ voluerit. Proinde Generositatem Vestram rogo, procuret mihi apud maiestatem caesaream, quae in rem meam ex litteris meis expedire videbuntur. Confidenter confido Generositatem Vestram pro amico obsequentissimo facturam. Cui me iterum iterumque commendo.
Ex ⌊Augusta⌋, quinta Novembris anno MDXVI.
[1] In the early days of his correspondence with Herberstein (CEID 2/1, letters No. 1, 2, 4-6) ⌊Dantiscus⌋ uses this syncopated form of his name. In ⌊Dantiscus’⌋ subsequent letters, the forms “Herberstain” and sometimes “Erberstain” appear. Herberstein himself usually signed his name as “Herberstain”.
[2] Unknown letter.
[3] Laurentius, see CEID 2/1,letter No. 2.
[4] Aspalax, Gr. – mole. Plin. Nat. 8, 226: item Boeotiae Lebadeae inlatae solum ipsum fugiunt, quae iuxta in Orchomeno tota arva subruunt, talpae. Plinius’ text, however, only speaks of the absence of moles around the Beotian town of Lebadea. Moreover, to denote a mole ⌊Dantiscus⌋ does not use the Latin word talpa (which Plinius uses), but the Greek aspalacus. This suggests that ⌊Dantiscus⌋ found the mention of Beotian moles not in Plinius’ work, but in a later text, e.g. a popular Physiologus. There are traces of how the quoted excerpt from Plinius functioned, though in slightly changed form, for instance in the works, popular at the time, of Jean Tixier de Ravisi (1480-1524) aka Ravisius: Aspalacus est animal, quod sola Boeotiorum terra fert. A qua translatum statim perire dicunt. Frequens est tamen apud Orchomenios (Cornucopie 1560, p. 15).
[5] ⌊Dantiscus⌋ traveled to the Holy Land in 1505-06. The title Eques Ierosolymitanus that he uses in signing some of the letters to ⌊Herberstein⌋, is meant to remind the addressee of this episode. To commemorate it, ⌊Dantiscus⌋ also ordered that a cross of the Order of the Hospital of St. John (the Baptist) of Jerusalem (the Jerusalem Cross) be placed on the heraldic right of his coat of arms on the reverse of the 1529 medal by Christopher Weiditz, and in the same position on his larger bookplate (probably wrongly dated to 1530-1532) and on binding stamp from 1539 (see
p. 160-161, cf. p. 5-6 and plate 2; Morka, p. 401, fig. 265;
IV, plate after p. 258; p. 24-25 and plate 7; p. 20-23 and plates 22-24: bookplates of ⌊Krzysztof Szydłowiecki⌋ ; p. 77, footnote 28; Skarby BN, p. 98-99;
p. 168, plate XIX 2.
| | | 5 | IDL 121 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Augsburg, 1516-11-21 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 17r-v
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Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 5, p. 79-80 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 17v
Generoso et strenuo domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herbstain⌋, ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ consiliario et oratori, domino et amico colendissimo.
Ternas his diebus dedi ad Generositatem Vestram litteras[1], ex quibus, ut opinor, mentem meam abundanter intellexit etc. Accepi mandatum ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋[2], sed magister curiae[3] iam abiverat, ideo nihil mihi profuit. Famulus meus quasi convaluit. Hostis[4] eius hic est, sed latet. Quaesitus est aliquoties per meum famulum etc. Velim, quod daret mandatum ad consules Augustenses, quod utique proditor se non impune fraudem commisisse intelligat etc. Scripsi hanc supplicatiunculam[5] ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋. Rogo, eam nomine meo reddat et, ut coepit, pergat res meas apud ⌊suam maiestatem⌋ promovere, quod semper erga Generositatem Vestram promereri studebo, cui me commendo. Nullum hominem in hac vita libentius quam Generositatem Vestram viderem. Navet igitur accuratius operam, ut quantocius et faustiter adveniat. Puellae cum taedio expectant etc.[6]
⌊Augustae⌋, XXI Novembris 1516.
[1] Perhaps Dantiscus is referring tothe letters marked as No. 1-2 and 4 in this edition. It is also possible that the expression his diebus refers to a time closer to the date of letter No. 5, and thus three letters unknown to us written after November 5, 1516 (the date of letter No. 4).
[2] About this imperial mandate cf. letters No. 2 and 3.
[3] Most likely ⌊Wilhelm von Rappoltstein⌋, cf. letter No. 2, footnote 7.
[4] Laurentius, see letter No. 2.
[5] This most probably refers to the memorandum on providing for Dantiscus, its receipt being the condition of the emperor granting him financial support (cf. letter No. 3). However, Dantiscus could be referring to the written request for the emperor’s mandate concerning punishment for ⌊Laurentius⌋ (see footnote 5).
[6] Most likely an allusion to the two friends’ having fun with local puellae, also practiced in ⌊Innsbruck⌋. The latter instances were commemorated in the elegy Ad Gryneam, which Dantiscus wrote during his stay in the Netherlands in 1517 and later provided with an epigram of dedication addressed to Herberstein.
| | | 6 | IDL 123 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Augsburg, 1516-12-18 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 18r-v
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Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 6, p. 81-83 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 18v
Generoso et strenuo domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herbstain⌋, equiti aurato, oratori et consiliario ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋, domino et amico observandissimo.
Quod toties tot meis litteris Generositati Vestrae molestus sum, quaeso non aegre ferat. Cogit me necessitas, quam Generositas Vestra bene novit, ut scribendo morosior et impudentior sim, praesertim cum quodammodo non a ⌊caesarea maiestate⌋ solum, verum etiam a ⌊serenissimo domino meo⌋ derelictus mihi videor. Ad quem igitur in hac rerum angustia confugiam, praeter Generositatem Vestram, quam mihi apprime affectam cognovi, invenio neminem. Dabit itaque his meis importunitatibus veniam. Quae me impraesentiarum potissimum ad scribendum causa
compulerit, scio Generositatem Vestram pro sua prudentia bene intelligere. cf. Pl. Rud. 975-981 mare quidem commune certost omnibus. TR. Adsentio: / qui minus hunc communem quaeso mi esse oportet vidulum?/ in mari inventust communi. GR. Esne impudenter impudens?/ nam si istuc ius sit quod memoras piscatores perierint./ quippe quom extemplo in macellum pisces prolati sient,/ nemo emat, suam quisque partem piscium poscant sibi,/ dicant, in mari communi captos ⌊Mare (ut Plautinis verbis utar) commune quidem est omnibus, sed non macellumcf. Pl. Rud. 975-981 mare quidem commune certost omnibus. TR. Adsentio: / qui minus hunc communem quaeso mi esse oportet vidulum?/ in mari inventust communi. GR. Esne impudenter impudens?/ nam si istuc ius sit quod memoras piscatores perierint./ quippe quom extemplo in macellum pisces prolati sient,/ nemo emat, suam quisque partem piscium poscant sibi,/ dicant, in mari communi captos ⌋
cf. Pl. As. 198-199 diem aquam solem lunam noctem, haec argento non emo:/ cetera quae volumus uti Graeca mercamur fide; Adagia No. 727 Graeca fides ⌊Graeca hinc mercantur fidecf. Pl. As. 198-199 diem aquam solem lunam noctem, haec argento non emo:/ cetera quae volumus uti Graeca mercamur fide; Adagia No. 727 Graeca fides ⌋.
cf. Pl. As. 202 semper culatae manus sunt nostrae, credunt quod vident; Adagia No. 731 Osculatae manus ⌊Habent hic omnes oculatas manus, credunt, quod videntcf. Pl. As. 202 semper culatae manus sunt nostrae, credunt quod vident; Adagia No. 731 Osculatae manus ⌋. Olim praesente ⌊caesarea maiestate⌋ ⌊Augustae⌋ auguste vivebam, nunc autem anguste et haec ⌊Augusta⌋ me nuper annulis meis spoliavit[1], brevi etiam catenula mea, quae tenui adhuc dependet filo. Quodcumque est, feram ob amorem ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ patienter, domi non ferrem, modo sciam sic esse mentem suae maiestatis, si etiam me vendere oportuerit omnia et cum vita esse in discrimine. Quocumque ⌊caesarea maiestas⌋ voluerit, patiar, nam me ⌊serenissimus dominus meus⌋ ⌊suae maiestati⌋ dedit mancipium. Sed haec hactenus. Rogavit me ⌊nuntius⌋ ⌊Valachi⌋[2], ut pro eo ad Generositatem Vestram intercederem. Qui, quoniam eius dominus cum ⌊serenissimo domino meo⌋ nunc aliquantisper bene convenit[3], dignus mihi, quem Generositati Vestrae commendarem, videbatur. Conqueri mihi visus est de levi expeditione. Sciet Generositas Vestra, quomodo aut quid in his agendum etc. Ultimum et novissimum est, quod ardentissime cupio, ut Generositas Vestra quantocius huc ad nos vinculatos in claustris desideratissime faustiter adveniret. Cuius adventum Deus Optimus Maximus felicissimum faciat et cito etc. Si commode Generositas Vestra poterit post nactam aliquam opportunitatem, quaeso me ⌊caesareae maiestati⌋ domino meo clementissimo suppliciter commendet et dicat me paratum usque ad mortem ad quaevis servitia obeunda ad ⌊suae maiestatis⌋ mandatum, prout etiam ⌊sua caesarea maiestas⌋ iam quater experta est[4], et in omnibus sic me diligentem et fidelem, ut aliquem,
cf. Adagia No. 652 A teneris unguiculis ⌊qui ab unguiculiscf. Adagia No. 652 A teneris unguiculis ⌋ in aula ⌊suae maiestatis⌋ educatus est, inveniet. Commendo me Generositati Vestrae.
Eiusdem Generositatis Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, doctor etc., ⌊serenissimi Poloniae regis⌋ nuntius et secretarius.
[1] On January 16, 1517 Dantiscus received 20 Rhine guldens from the imperial treasury, to recover his pawned rings: TLA, Oberösterreichische Kammerraitbücher, Bd 65 (Raitbuch des Tiroler Kammermeisters Ulrich Möringer für den Zeitraum 1516 Dezember 25 – 1517 Dezember 24), fol. 67.
[2] The term Valachus most likely refers to the Moldavian hospodar. At the time, the term Valachia was used in a broader sense, to denote the territory of the ⌊Duchy of Valachia⌋ proper – stretching northwards from the lower ⌊Danube⌋ but also (very often)to denote the politically much more important ⌊Duchy of Moldavia⌋, located north of ⌊Valachia⌋ proper, and adjacent to the middle ⌊Dnestr⌋ in the south, thus bordering on the ⌊Kingdom of Poland⌋ (cf. Sprawy wołoskie, p. I-IV; Porawska, p. 114-124; Herberstein 1556, p.2). The term nuntius Valachi most probably refers to Lucas Kirsza (Kyrsza, Kirsch, Kirssza), who was an envoy (humyenik) of Moldavian Hospodar Bogdan III the Blind (the One-eyed) (1504-1517) and his successor Stephen IV (1517-1527) (cf. AT, I, No. 18, p. 33; AT, II, No. 15, p. 12; AT, IV, No. 188-189, p. 152-153).
[3] Dantiscus probably had in mind prevention of border conflicts between ⌊Bogdan III⌋ and ⌊Sigismund I⌋ in ⌊Podolya⌋, on the Polish bank of the ⌊Dnestr⌋ (cf. AT, III, No. 590, p. 439), and he also seems to be alluding to the not always clear stance of the ⌊Moldavian hospodar⌋ towards ⌊Sigismund I⌋ (especially from 1512). Despite a defensive alliance with the ⌊king of Poland⌋, signed because of the practically constant Turkish-Tatar threat, ⌊Bogdan’s⌋ stance was often opportunistic and shaky (see Sprawy wołoskie, p. XCI-CI).
[4] Dantiscus went on three missions to ⌊Venice⌋ on ⌊Maximilian’s⌋ orders: in November 1515 with ⌊Maciej Drzewicki⌋ (see letter No. 14, footnote 2)and ⌊Rafał Leszczyński⌋ (see letter No. 8, footnote 6), and then in February and July 1516 (cf. Introduction, p. 1-4!!!, footnotes 8 and 19).
[5] Modifying the Latin name of Augusburg (Augusta),Dantiscus is referring to the earlier play on words: auguste (greatly) – anguste (modestly).
| | | 7 | IDL 126 | Ioannes DANTISCUS & Nikolaus NIBSCHITZ (NIPSZYC) to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Cracow (Kraków), 1518-[02]-21 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, author's signature, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 20
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 7, p. 84-87 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 20v
Magnifico domino ⌊Sigismundo de Erberstain⌋, equiti aurato, consiliario atque oratori redeunti[1] ⌊sacratissimae caesareae maiestatis⌋, domino et amico multum observando.
Accepimus Magnificentiae Vestrae litteras[2] nobis apprime caras utpote a domino et amico nostro carissimo profectas, in quibus nobis eventus Suos cum grassatore ⌊Zaple⌋[3] describit. Non parum nos turbavit haec novitas, sed demum summa nos affecit laetitia sospitem atque victorem Magnificentiam Vestram evasisse, hinc fortitudinem et magnanimitatem Magnificentiae Vestrae passim coram omnibus praedicantes. Ex his, ut Magnificentia Vestra putat, sinistris successibus minime in animo moveri debet, immo confidentius sperare omnia adversa superasse habereque Virgilianum illud tritum:
cf. Verg. A. VI 95 ⌊Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior itocf. Verg. A. VI 95 ⌋. Consuevit enim fortuna, dum aliquem extollere decrevit, ante ipsam bonorum metam, aculeis suis, ne in oblivionem incidat, ferire[4]. Sed haec, ne plus quam aulicorum est philosophari videamur, hactenus. Magnificus dominus ⌊palatinus Vilnensis⌋[5] misit Magnitudini Vestrae, ut pollicitus est, pelles bisontinas, urinas et in quodam vase cornua et ungulas onagrorum[6], quos exules Germanice
nuncupamus[7], in manus domini ⌊Laurentii Saurer⌋, vicedomini Viennensis[8]. Cui etiam scripsimus, ut si videret, quod huiusmodi pelles putrefierent, in aura siccandas extenderet. Omnes etiam, quos nobis Magnificentia Vestra descripsit, praeterea etiam alios notos Magnificentiae Vestrae salutavimus et, ut hic moris est, pro Magnificentiae Vestrae salute aliquot cyathos exhausimus longam et prosperam vitam, felices successus et secundius iter Magnificentiae Vestrae imprecantes. Cui nos ut dedissimos plurimum commendamus. Dantiscus rogat Magnificentia Vestra non velit negotiorum creditorum oblivisci et cum primis, si ei redeundum erit, de mente ⌊maiestatis caesareae⌋ certiorem reddere[9].
⌊Cracoviae⌋, 21 Ianuarii(!)[10] anno Domini MDXVIII.
⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋ etc.
⌊Nicolaus Nibschicz⌋[11]
[1] ⌊Herberstein⌋ was returning to ⌊Vienna⌋ from his first mission to Muscovy, cf. footnote 14!!! and Introduction, p. !!!.
[2] Unknown letter.
[3] Niklas Tschaplitz (Czaplitz) von Altendorf, a Moravian nobleman, attacked Herberstein and his retinue before Olomouc, as Herberstein mentioned in Selbstbiographie (Herberstein 1855, p. 131) and described in detail in Rerum Moscoviticarum commentarii: Lipnik, 1 miliari unde cum Vuistriciam 2 miliaribus recta contendentes, forte ex quodam colle Nicolaus Czaplitz, eius provinciae nobilis, sibi nos obvios conspexisset, mox pixide arrepta, ad conflictum se quodammodo cum duobus comitibus praeparabat. Qua re equidem non temeritatem hominis, sed ebrietatem potius animadverteram, ac continuo servitoribus mandaveram, ut ei nobis occurrenti media via cederent. Sed ille hoc humanitatis officio neglecto, in altam nivem se coniecerat, nosque praetereuntes torve intuebatur, servosque a tergo cum vehiculis sequentes, ad hoc ipsum genus officii, quod illi praestare haudquaquam poterant, cogebat strictoque gladio minabatur. Ea re exorto utrinque clamore factoque servorum, qui post erant, concursu, ipse mox telo balistae laesus, equus pariter vulneratus sub eo conciderat. Postea cum Moscis oratoribus iter institutum prosecutus, veni Olmutzium (Herberstein 1556, p. 144, cf. Herberstein 1557, § 629). We can guess that Herberstein described his adventure in a similar way in his unknown letter to Dantiscus and Nipszyc (see footnote 3).
[4] Consuevit enim fortuna — — ante ipsam bonorum metam, aculeis suis — — ferire cf. Petrarca, Africa, 5, 314-7): .
[5] Vilnius (Pol. Wilno), the capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, hereditary stateof Sigismund I, which was in a union with the Kingdom of Poland. Vilnius lower castle was the main residence of Polish kings in their capacity as grand dukes of Lithuania. Mikołaj Radziwiłł (c. 1470-Oct./Nov. 1521), Vilnius voivode and chancellor of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (1510). As an official participant in the Vienna congress of 1515, he must have met Herberstein there for the first time, and certainly won the special favor of Maximilian I. which is linked to the person of Vilnius voivode Mikołaj Radziwiłł, whom Herberstein probably met during the congress in Vienna in 1515. Radziwiłł is mentioned in the letter of dedication of Mikołaj Hussowski’s Carmen de statura, feritate ac venatione bisontis (Cracow 1523), in connection with providing a bison hide for Pope Leo X. Herberstein must have known Carmen, and taken the report on an unusually large bison from it (see Baczkowski, p. 226; Hussoviani carmina , p. 4-5, p. 10, lines 53-54 and ibidem footnote 2, cf. Herberstein 1556, p. 109; cf. Introduction, p. !!! and Plate 4).
[6] Sending Herberstein the bison and auroch hides and the elk antlers and hooves was most likely the consequence of his recent visit to the vivarium of the grand dukes of Lithuania in Troki. The reason was both Herberstein’s interest in zoology and the widespread use of animal material as medications. Mentioning in Rerum Moscoviticarum commentarii that the Polish king had given him the hide of an auroch, Herberstein explained how strips of auroch hide were used during childbirth: Sigismundus Augustus rex mihi apud se oratori donavit exenteratum unum (scil. urum) , quem venatores eiectum de armento semivivum confecerant: recisa tamen pelle, quae frontem tegit, quod non temere factum esse credidi, quanquam cur id fieri soleret, per incogitantiam quandam non sum percontatus. Hoc certum est, in pretio haberi cingulos ex uri corio factos et persuasum est vulgo, horum praecinctu partum promoveri. Atque hoc nomine regina Bona, Sigismundi Augusti mater, duos hoc genus cingulos mihi dono dedit: quorum alterum serenissima Domina mea Romanorum Regina, sibi a me donatum, clementi animo accepit (Herberstein 1556, p. 110). Olaus Magnus described how spasms were treated with strips of auroch hide: Corium urorum cum pilis balthei more scissum corporique spasmum patientis circumligatum, illico confert; unde et mos genti est, ubi bestiae hae capiuntur, hospitibus gratis dono offerre cingula (Magnus 1555, p. 633, cap. XXXVI: Adhuc de eisdem Uris et captura eorum). Elk hooves were considered a medicine mainly for epilepsy, but also for jaundice or headache (see Magnus 1555, p. 601: De Alcium medicinis dextri pedis et captura earum, por. Kromer, p. 35; Marchwiński, p. 158). Stanisław Hozjusz and Marcin Kromer often dispatched this medication to Italy (see Iulii Ruggieri relatio generalis (1568) [in:] ANP, VI, p. 149). Herberstein described the elk, highlighting the therapeutic properties of its hooves: Quae fera Lithuanis sua lingua Loss est, eam Germani Ellend, quidam Latine Alcen vocant: Poloni volunt onagrum, hoc est asinum agrestem esse, non respondente forma. Sectas enim ungulas habet: quanquam et quae solidas haberent, repertae sint, sed id perrarum est. — — Ungulae, tanquam amuletum, contra morbum caducum gestari solent (Herberstein 1556, p. 110, cf. Herberstein 2007, p. 355-356, cf. Kromer, loc. cit). See also Introduction, p. 41-43 and letter No.31, footnote 8.
[7] The elk was called Elend in German, which could also mean „miserable” (Lat. exul ). In the 16th century, though, the Slavonic form Elend was being ousted by the Germanic Elch, which appears for instance in Seweryn Boner’s letter to Herberstein from 1541 (Elchen Horner). See Harrauer 1982, p. 143.
[8] Lorenz Saurer (c. 1465-1523), son of the town councillor and mayor of Salzburg, Georg Saurer. He began his career in the court sewing room of Emperor Maximilian I, going on to become the castellan (Burggraf) of Vienna and head of the cellarers (Vorsteher des Kellermeisteramtes) of Vienna (1503), and from 1508 occupied the privileged post of financial governor (Vizedom von Österreich unter der Enns or in brief: Vizedom zu Wien); From 1510 he was an imperial court counsellor, from 1512 member of the Lower Austrian government in Vienna (Regierungsbehörde für die sogenannte niederösterreichische Ländergruppe: Österreich unter und ob der Enns, Steiermark, Kärnten und Krain). In 1518 he welcomed Bona Sforza (see letter No. 11, footnote 7) to Vienna, and attended her coronation in Cracow (see Wiesflecker V, p. 265-270; Pociecha, I, p. 231).
[9] After being recalled to Poland in mid-1517, according to the emperor’s earlier wishes Dantiscus was supposed to return to the imperial court in early February 1518 (cf. Introduction, p. !!!). However, he did no set off for his next mission to Maximilian I and Charles I von Habsburg, King of Spain, until October 1518, to arrange for Bona Sforza’s mother, Isabella d’Aragona duchess of Milan (see letter No. 11, footnote 8), the taking over of the inheritance from her aunt, queen of Naples Giovanna IV (d. August 28, 1518) (see Pociecha, II, p. 134, 211-213).
[10] Dating this letter in January seems a mistake on Dantiscus’ part. The adventure with Tschaplitz (see footnote 4) took place near Olomouc, which was the final stage onHerberstein’s return journey from Muscovy to Vienna, after his stay in Cracow.Herberstein gives contradictory information in Selbstbiographie abouthis return (Herberstein 1855, p. 131-132, cf. Herberstein 1560, f. B4r): first saying that on January 25 he arrived in Cracow, leaving on February 6, but writing elsewhere that he arrived in Vienna on January 20. In fact, though, Herberstein must have arrived in Vienna on February 20, and the mentioned letter is a reply to an unknown letter by Herberstein written on his way to Vienna (as also suggested by the formula containing wishes for a successful continued journey – felices successus et secundius iter Magnificentiae Vestrae imprecantes and – in the address: redeunti ). It is therefore probable that Dantiscus and Nipszyc’s joint letter was written on February 21, 1518 (we know that Dantiscus was in Cracow on February 20, and wrote to Ioachim Vadian from there, see Die Vadianische Briefsammlung , vol. I, No. 30, p. 112 (with the erroneous date 1514); cf.Introduction, p. !!! ).
[11] At the royal court in Cracow, Nipszyc with Dantiscus and Jan Zambocki formed a triumvirate of friends who were the front runners of the famous court society known as Bibones et comedones, hence he was often referred to simply as Tertius . In 1519 he went on his first mission from the Polish king to Albrecht von Hohenzollern, the grand masterof the Teutonic Order, and from 1525 until his death was at the Polish court the official (acknowledged by Sigismund I) representative, paid agent and information source of Albrecht as the “duke in Prussia”. An analysis of his letters to the duke from just 1532-34 (AT, XIV-XVI) shows that despite constantly providing information about Polish issues, international affairs were the priority in his reports (Szymaniak, p. 162, footnote 492). Nipszyc informed the duke about these matters very often by sending him news that came from Herberstein, sometimes his letters copied in extenso, or extracts from them (beside the already mentioned volumes of AT, see e.g. Elementa, XXXVI, No. 707, p. 166-167, XLVI, No. 13, p. 26 (conclusion), XLVII, No. 227, 233, 271). From 1525, Nipszyc went on several missions as Sigismund I’s envoy: to Hungary (1525 and 1526), to Ferdinand I (congress in Wrocław (Breslau), 1527, then 1531-1533, 1537), to the assemblies of Royal Prussia (1531, 1534), to Brandenburg (1535-37, 1540) and to the estates of Livonia (1536). During the royal court’s stay in Vilnius from April 1528 to October 1529 (cf. letter No. 13), he defended the interests of Albrecht von Hohenzollern, duke in Prussia, in Prussian-Lithuanian border relations. In 1535 he brought about the marriage of princess Jadwiga
Jagiellon and margrave Joachim von Hohenzollern – the future Brandenburg elector. In later years he enjoyed good relations with Dantiscus and also with Tiedemann Giese, who
entertained Nipszyc at Dantiscus’ request in 1537, drinking with him all night and probably playing dice or cards. Nipszyc loved to play cards, in an effort to improve the constantly poor condition of his finances (see Borawska 1996, p. 111-112 and ibid. footnote 62 with the archive addresses of the correspondence of Dantiscus, Giese and Nipszyc from 1537; Oracki, II, p. 60-61; Pociecha, II, p. 23-24; Szymaniak, p. 65-103, 162, footnote 492, 167-171).
| | | 8 | IDL 113 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Cracow (Kraków), 1518-07-12 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 13r-v
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 8, p. 88-90 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
Litteras Magnificentiae Vestrae ego una cum domino ⌊Nibschicz⌋ dudum non vidimus, nisi quasdam ⌊Viennae⌋ datas[2], satis minutas et rebus nostris, de quibus saepius Magnificentiae Vestrae scripsimus, nihil fere respondentes. Quod tamen
cf. Cic. S. Rosc. 45, 7 Quaeso, Eruci, ut hoc in bonam partem accipias; Cic. Arch. 32, 5 ea, iudices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem accepta; Cic. Att. 11, 7, 8 Quod rogas ut in bonam partem accipiam si qua sint in tuis litteris quae me mordeant ⌊in bonam accipimus partemcf. Cic. S. Rosc. 45, 7 Quaeso, Eruci, ut hoc in bonam partem accipias; Cic. Arch. 32, 5 ea, iudices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem accepta; Cic. Att. 11, 7, 8 Quod rogas ut in bonam partem accipiam si qua sint in tuis litteris quae me mordeant ⌋ et crebris ccupationibus Magnificentiae Vestrae ascribimus. Non tamen desistimus a sollicitatione
negotiorum nostrorum apud Magnificentiam Vestram. Dominus ⌊Nibschicz⌋ rogat, ut rem suam de ista provisione centum florenorum super ⌊Iudaeis⌋ Cracoviensibus[3] cordi habeat, praesertim si aliquis oratorum ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋ huc expediretur. Commodissimum ei videretur, si reverendissimo domino ⌊Labacensi⌋[4] commissio in hac re daretur, nam sibi a ⌊maiestate regia⌋ impetravit, quod dominationis suae reverendissimae debet esse pristaff[5]. Quod ad me attinet, rogo apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋, cui per dominum ⌊Raphaelem⌋[6] oratorem ⌊⌊serenissimi regis mei⌋⌋ supplicando scripsi, intercedat, quod ⌊sua maiestas⌋ mei et servitiorum meorum dignaretur habere rationem. Nam in ⌊maiestatis suae⌋ servitio canonicatum quadringentorum florenorum et impensas pro litibus centum florenorum amisi[7]. Condemnatus etiam in expens(is), si non implicatus negotiis ⌊caesareae maiestatis⌋, rebus meis adesse potuissem, victor omnino evasissem. Quod saltem in ⌊Germania⌋ sua maiestas mihi beneficio quodam provideret, non ambio, ut mihi ⌊Coloniae⌋ promisit[8], episcopatum, vel apud serenissimum dominum meum intercederet, quod sua regia maiestas me indemnem redderet. Quae omnia prudentiae Magnificentiae Vestrae et amori erga me committo moderanda. De litteris etiam palatinatus[9], de quibus Magnificentia Vestra mihi scripsit, quas possum gratias habeo. Rogo, prosequatur apud ⌊dominum doctorem Spiegel⌋[10], ut perficiantur. Quicquid erit impendendum, dominus ⌊Raphael⌋ nomine meo persolvet in his meis et domini ⌊Nibschicz⌋ negotiis. Quaeso Magnificentiam Vestram accuratam navet operam, quo nos sibi perpetue devinctos atque auctoratos reddet. Optime et feliciter Magnificentia Vestra valeat et nobis duobus, qui nunc in uno contubernio et in eodem cubiculo vivimus, saepe scribat.
Magnificentiae Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, secretarius.
[1] Missing part of address were written on the lost piece of paper the seal was impressed through.
[2] Unknown letter.
[3] See also ⌊⌋.
[4] After the congress in ⌊Vienna⌋ (1515) ⌊Rauber⌋ was supposed to go on a mission from ⌊Emperor Maximilian I⌋ to ⌊Moscow⌋. Because he kept delaying his departure and ⌊Dantiscus⌋ kept insisting the envoys should leave as soon as possible, the mission was ultimately entrusted to ⌊Herberstein⌋ (see Wiesflecker IV, p. 212; Picková, p. 170-171, cf.
Introduction, p. 23-24
and ⌊⌋, footnote 7)..
[5] Pristaff – a term of Ruthenian origin (pristav) meaning – especially in Muscovy Russ – an official who accompanied foreign diplomats arriving in Muscovy, usually from the very border, and was their guide, assistant and companion, and also a spy discreetly controlling their unofficial activities and contacts. The term, adopted into Polish in the form przistaw – przystaw was used at least from the last quarter of the 14th century to mean ‘helper, assistant, guide, messenger’ (see SS), and it is in this meaning that it appears in the letter. Its notation in Dantiscus’ hand can denote both the Ruthenian and the Polish phonetics of the word. A similar notation, but certainly eflecting the Ruthenian sound, in the form: Prystaff (next to Pristaw), can be found in Herberstein’s Selbstbiographie (Herberstein 1855, p. 120-121, cf. Herberstein 1556, p. 44, 138, 152; Herberstein 1557, §§ 93, 161, 280,573, 576, 581, 600, 610, 616, 57-658).
[6]
Cf. ⌊⌋, p. 40.
[7] The court proceedings mentioned in
the letter, which entailed high costs for Dantiscus, were linked to his
efforts to obtain a canonry in Warmia (Ermland). While in Pressburg in 1515, King Sigismund I gave Dantiscus a written promise to grant him a canonry in the Warmia chapter, in accordance with the right to appoint canons granted him by Pope Leo X in 1514. With the death of canon Andrzej Kletz (von Tostir,Tustir) on September 5, 1515, the post of custodian became vacant in the Warmia chapter. Despite the royal guarantee, in 1517 the pope promised this benefice to Warmia canon Walenty Grabau who was in Rome. Sigismund I’s opposition to this decision is documented by his letters to the pope and cardinals (AT, IV, No. 209, p. 169-170). Dantiscus did not obtain a Warmia canonry until 1529 (see SBKW, pp. 74, 113; Borawska 1996, p. 172; BCz, pressmark 403, p. 533 (note in Maurycy Ferber’s hand on the documents
connected with the case); pressmark 1594, p. 323-324 (letter of Dantiscus to Warmia bishop Fabian Luzjański, Augsburg, November 19, 1516), cf. Müller-Blessing, p. 176-178; Pociecha, IV, p. 228).
.
[8] Emperor Maximilian I probably promised Dantiscus a bishopric in the Reich on June 5-6, 1517, when Dantiscus was setting off for Poland, having been recalled by King Sigismund I. This was the only time during Dantiscus’ stay at the imperial court in 1517 that Maximilian I was in Cologne (see CEID 2.1,
Introduction, p. 22-23)..
[9] Most probably a reference to the imperial diploma granting Dantiscus the title of the count palatine ( comes palatinus, Hofpfalzgraf), see CEID 2.1, Introduction, p. 21, footnote 29 and p. 27..
[10] Dantiscus owed Jacob Spiegel’s poet’s laurels (1516) to his support. For more about the circumstances in which Dantiscus dedicated his Soteria to him, and the probable link between this fact and Dantiscus receiving the title of count palatine , see CEID 2.1, Introduction, p. 25-27..
| | | 9 | IDL 127 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Cracow (Kraków), 1518-09-11 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 23r-v
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 9, p. 91-92 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
Quod toties Magnificentiam Vestram obtundo litteris, partim amor meus in Magnificentiam Vestram non mediocris, partim res nostrae agendae, quae curae Magnificentiae Vestrae commissae sunt, efficiunt. Praesertim quae spectant contubernalem meum dominum ⌊Nibschicz⌋, qui sine intermissione, ut Magnificentiam Vestram negotiorum suorum memorem redderem, me hortatur. Novit Magnificentia Vestra, quomodo ⌊vicedominus⌋ ⌊Austriae⌋ initium provisionis suae, dum hic apud maiestatem regiam ageret, posuit, ut videlicet a ⌊Iudaeis⌋ Cracoviensibus post mortem cuiusdam Sigismundi Stosch centum florenos annuatim haberet[1]. Quod negotium sic inchoatum pendet adhuc. Proinde Magnificentia Vestra summopere deprecatur, velit impendere operam, quod ⌊maiestas caesarea⌋ primis oratoribus huc ituris rem hanc perficiendam demandaret, potissimum reverendissimo ⌊domino Labacensi⌋, qui facillime, si huc veniret, finem faceret. Omnis spes et fiducia in Magnificentia Vestra sita est. Uterque non dubitamus, quin Magnificentia Vestra officiosam se exhibebit. Quod me attinet, novissimis litteris descripsi. Mutuiter faciet, si me saepius ⌊maiestati caesareae⌋ commendabit, ego hic assiduus apud ⌊serenissimum dominum meum⌋ sum praeco laudum Magnificentiae Vestrae. Cui me cum domino ⌊Nibschicz⌋ contubernali meo iterum iterumque commendo et rogo, quo coepit favore nos prosequatur.
[1] Mikołaj Nipszyc received a salary of 100 florins, provided from half the rent paid by the Jews of Cracow, on July 21, 1525, granted by King Sigismund I after the death of Sigismund Stosch of Kounice and Olbrachice (Stossz, Sthosz de Kunicze), royal courtier (at least since 1476), royal cavalry captain (at least since 1485), who had received the salary since 1503.
| | | 10 | IDL 114 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Munich, 1518-11-24 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, address in another hand in German, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 14r-v
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 10, p. 93 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 14v
Dem edlenn und gestrengen hern ⌊Sigmundt von Herberstain⌋ ritter, ⌊Romischer kayserlicher maiestet⌋ radt etc. zu eigenen handenn.
Nescio, quomodo exordiar contra Magnificentiam Vestram, quae contra promissam, ut tamen modestius agam, ex Moldorff[1] discessit et nihil litterarum vel commissionis per aliquem mihi reliquit. De quo alio tempore latius. Impraesentiarum coegit me ad scribendum, quod non ivi in Freysing, sed per ⌊Monchen⌋ et accepi litteras Vestras[2] cum pecuniis, quas hactenus duxi. Dabo operam, ut hinc ad fratrem Vestrum[3] perducantur. Interea rogo me Magnificentia Vestra ex favore suo non dimittat. Totus enim Vester et si dici potest Vestrissimus sum. Cui me plurimum commendo. Ex ⌊Augusta⌋ de rebus nostris pluribus agemus.
Ex ⌊Monchen⌋, 24 Novembris anno 1518.
Vester ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋.
[1] Mühldorf am Inn, northwest of Salzburg and east of Munich. It is hard to tell whether Dantiscus met Herberstein there. On November 1,1518 Herberstein met with Emperor Maximilian I in Innsbruck, from where the emperor traveled towards Linz via Wels (where he died). On November 9, in a letter to Herberstein from Kufstein, the emperor ordered him to be in Mühldorf on November 19, to meet there with Cardinal Matthäus Lang (1468-1540), coadjutor of the archbishop of Salzburg, and on November 16 ordered Herberstein to go to Salzburg. The delivery of the second letter (or instruction) could have been the reason for Herberstein’s sudden departure from Mühldorf (see Herberstein 1855, p. 136-137, 139-141). Dantiscus reached Mühldorf after November 17, 1518, the date when the emperor issued him a guarantee of safe passage (litterae passus) in Gmunden am Traunsee Oberösterreich), for the mission to Spain to Charles I von Habsburg (see Pociecha, II, p. 212).
[2] Unknown letter.
[3] Most probably Georg von Herberstein, see letter No. 3, footnote 1.
| | | 11 | IDL 6516 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, before the end of February or in July 1520 Letter lost |
Letter lost, reconstructed on the basis of IDL 150 | | | | 12 | IDL 150 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Pressburg (Bratislava), 1520-08-13 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, UUB, H. 154, f. 1
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8241 (TK 3), a.1520, f. 7r
| | 3 | excerpt in Latin, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8239 (TK 1), part 2, f. [1 missed in numbering after f. 26]
| | 4 | register with excerpt in Latin, English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 30, No. 1
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 11, p. 94-95 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
UUB, H. 154, f. 1v
Nobili et Excellentissimo Domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, equiti et doctori etc., ⌊serenissimi regis Poloniae⌋ secretario, domino et amico observando.
Forte et hodie graviter soles ferre, quod in discessu nostro circa ⌊Enum⌋ ita abrute ab invicem discesserimus[1]. Quod satis mihi perspectum habeo, nam ad te nunc post reditum meum ex ⌊Hispaniis⌋ aliquas ⌊⌋ misi[2], numquam mihi respondisti. Quid ms. Quis(!)
⌈QuidQuid ms. Quis(!)
⌉ in causa fuit, sis ipse iudex, nam pro certo sperabam tibi in itinere posse obviari. Diutius tum, quam spondebas, ut credo, dormivisti. Si in ea pertinecia pertinacia perseveras, facile coniecturandum mihi est, qualem erga me amorem gesseras, nam fila tenuiora de facili rumpuntur. Constantem te semper credidi, nec te tam levem aerem a me alienari et hodie mihi persuadeo. Plura equidem scriberem, si tibi accepta scirem. Dum cognovero, faciam, quod experiar re. Praesentibus serenissimo ⌊regi⌋ litteris meis supplico, ut consulat et adnuat, ut habeam, quod mihi ⌊mater⌋ serenissimae ⌊reginae⌋ promisit suis litteris, sigillo et chirographo[3]; ut et tu pro me intercedas et responsum huc in ⌊Posonium⌋[4] mittas, plurimum peto. Immo et plura scripsissem, si diutius expectasset nuntius. Vale et me ama, ego equidem te plurimum amo.
Ex ⌊Posonio⌋, 13 Augusti anno 1520.
Tuus ⌊Sigismundus de Herberstain⌋ eques
[1] A reference to the friends’ having missed each other two years earlier, as described in letter ⌊⌋.
[2] After completing the mission of the Lower Austrian states to Charles I von Habsburg (concerning the succession to Emperor Maximilian I), Herberstein left Spain in December 1519 and reached Villach (Carinthia) in February 1520 (⌊⌋, p. 171-225; cf. ⌊⌋, f. C1v.
[3] A reference to the letter of Isabella d’Aragona. In this letter, dated October 25, 1516 from Bari, the duchess promised Herberstein 1,000 Rhine florins as remuneration for arranging the marriage of her daughter to King Sigismund I (see ⌊⌋, p. 111-112). Herberstein was handed the letter by an envoy of Duchess Isabella, Chrisostomo Colonna, who gave an identical financial promise to Dantiscus in Augsburg in December 1516 (see
⌊⌋, p. 267-268;
⌊⌋, p. 193-194;
⌊⌋, p. 23, cf. ⌊⌋, Introduction, p. 23). Two years after the duchess’s death, when Herberstein was in Cracow in February 1526 in connection with his second mission to Muscovy, he reminded Sigismund I about the promised remuneration. Sigismund I assured Herberstein that the matter would finally be resolved after his return from Muscovy, and in fact it was (see ⌊⌋, loc. cit., cf. ⌊⌋, p. 150; ⌊⌋, § 604, 647).
[4] In July 1520 Ferdinand von
Habsburg sent Herberstein on a mission to Hungary. He was in Pressburg from mid-July to the end of September 1520 (⌊⌋, p. 225; ⌊⌋, p. 168).
| | | 13 | IDL 155 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Klamm, 1522-07-06 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 37r-v
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 (96-97) No. 12 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB Cod. 13.597, f. 37v
Magnifico et generoso domino ⌊Sigismundo de
Erberstein⌋, consiliario potissimo serenissimi ⌊arciducis Austriae⌋ etc. domino et amico plurimum mihi observando ad manus proprias. Cito, cito, cito, quia summe necessarium.
ONB Cod. 13.597, f. 37r
Magnifice Domine, amice omnium amicorum observandissime, salutem et prosperrimorum successuum perpetuum incrementum.
Litteras,[1] quas mihi Tua Magnificentia dedit nuper in ⌊Nova Civitate⌋, reddidi ⌊Clam⌋,[2] sed non clam, immo manifeste.[3] Ultro hoc, quod antea expertus sum de Tua Magnificentia, uberiorem repperi fidem, quae non fuisset necessaria inter necessarios. Necessarium me dico Magnificentiae Tuae plurimis argumentis, quae nunc recensere esset supervacaneum. Venit ad me ⌊praefectus Magnificentiae Tuae⌋ mane, dum abire decrevissem, et mihi obtulit eam Tuae Magnificentiae benevolentiam, quam semper re ipsa sum expertus. Fecit mihi nomine Vestro eum honorem, quem debuit, et in omnibus me optime habuit. Et ob illam consuetudinem, quam cum Tua Magnificentia contraxi a multis annis, non potui mihi temperare, quin castrum ascenderem et pro mea curiositate ibidem omnia viderem, prout ipse praefectus Magnificentiae Vestrae aliquando coram latius referet. Ibidem me novis affecit honoribus, qui mihi eo gratiores erant, quo illos sciebam mihi esse a meo desideratissimo esse profectas. Et qualis fuit honor, ipsae litterae et calamus ostendunt. Quapropter pro sua dudum in me concepta benevolentia nunc eas, quas possum, accipiat gratias. Aliquando, dum res meae melius habebunt, sum redditurus. Plura scriberem, obstat mihi ingens pelagus, vinum, quod mihi hoc tempore carius est quam calamus. Summa summarum vestrissimus sum et rogo, in his punctis maneat, in quibus fuit antiquitus. Commendo me Magnificentiae Vestrae plurimum.
[1] Probably a letter of recommendation, supposedly written in ⌊Wiener Neustadt⌋ before June 18, 1522, when Herberstein
went to ⌊Prague⌋, to King ⌊Ludwig Jagiellon⌋, to complete his mission about June 29 (cf. Herberstein 1855, p. 256; Herberstein 1560, f. C3r).
[2] Klamm Castle was placed under Herberstein’s administration ( die Phleg ) in 1518 by ⌊Emperor Maximilian I⌋, as a sort of reward for completing the mission to ⌊Muscovy⌋ in the previous year. The castle became Herberstein’s main residence. During the 1529 campaign, the castle fell temporarily into Turkish hands. After that, Herberstein expanded and fortified it (see Herberstein 1855, p. 132-133; Picard 1967, p. 40; Plates No.11-12).
[3] reddidi Clam, sed non clam, immo manifeste (I gave it back in ⌊Klamm⌋, not secretly however, but openly) – wordplay impossible to translate based on homonymy.
| | | 14 | IDL 434 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Cracow (Kraków), 1529-07-24 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 29
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8241 (TK 3), a.1529, f. 14
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 31, No. 223
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 13, p. 98-103 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 29v
Spectabili et magnifico domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, ⌊serenissimi regis Poloniae⌋ oratori apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋ in ⌊Hispaniis⌋ etc., domino tamquam fratri honorando
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 29r
Spectabilis et Magnifice Domine tamquam frater honorande. Salutem et sui commendationem.
Cum ⌊germanus tuus⌋[1] ex ⌊Vilna⌋ rediens quasdam litteras mihi obtulit et declaravit se ad Te iturum[2], non potui me continere, quin litteras meas illi ad Te darem ob veterem inter nos consuetudinem, quae apud me adhuc integra est, et ut in occidente, quae pars Tibi sorte cessit[3], ut mihi septemtrio, intelligeres, quid rerum apud nos agatur. De ⌊Moscis⌋[4], ⌊Tartari⌋s[5], ⌊Prutenis⌋[6] et ⌊Livoniensibus⌋ ex aliis plus quam ex me habere poteris, quamvis et ego nunc regnante ⌊Ferdinando⌋ in Germaniis orientalibus[7] denuo ⌊Moscoviam⌋ sum ingressus[8] hoc idem, quod tempore ⌊Maximiliani imperatoris⌋ tractans[9]. Demum et ⌊Petercoviae⌋ anno praeterito[10], hoc vero ⌊Vilnae⌋ ⌊regem Sarmatiae⌋[11], dominum Tuum adivi[12] et nunc ⌊Craccoviae⌋ sum[13], medio domini ⌊Christophori de Schidowetz⌋ etc. castellani Cracoviensis etc. negotia ⌊serenissimi regis mei⌋ ago[14], multa in dies audio. Cum tamen tanta Tibi copia amicorum in his partibus, qui Te nihil celant, superfluum mihi visum plura de eisdem describere, nisi cum iam ⌊Suleymanus Turcarum rex⌋ cum ingenti apparatu bellico tendat contra ⌊serenissimum regem meum⌋ et eius ⌊regnum Hungariae⌋ et forte, si fortuna faveret, usque ⌊Austriam⌋ et ⌊Bohemiam⌋ progrederetur. Nunc tyrannum aiunt ad confluentem ⌊Savi⌋ venisse[15]. Audiuntur gaudia et tripudia per ⌊Craccoviam⌋ et ⌊Poloniam⌋, ac si Redemptor illis aut Iudeis Messias venisset, at dicant plures ex illis. Non omnes gaudent, at ego dico plures. Sunt, qui forte eventum praevident. Nescio tamen, quae furia populum cruciat et in odium ⌊Germanorum⌋[16] tam acriter impellit, ut ⌊serenissimum regem meum⌋, qui cum ⌊Germanis⌋, ⌊Bohemis⌋, ⌊Hungaris⌋ atque Slavis[17] imperet, Germanum dicunt et illum potius, quam ⌊Turcum⌋ perire expetunt. Non equidem de omnibus Polonis dico. Attamen et illis cum ceteris, si nobis flendum illis, non diu ridendum erit. Fiat voluntas illius, qui est in caelis[18]. Ioannes Sambocius[19] in hospitio meo Vilnae me praesente obiit. Dominus ⌊Nicolaus Nypschitz⌋ Tui amantissimus mirum in modum de illius obitu contristatus. Timeo, ne et illi ex tali dolore quid mali eveniat, et nisi Te expectaret, sine dubio pessime haberet. Inquit enim alium non habere, cui aliquando confidenter possit communicare. Omnes profecto magno desiderio Te expectant, quare redi et veni felix et prosper, ut aliquando te pontificem liceat intueri. Et bene vale meque, ut aliquando coepisti, ama.
Ex ⌊Craccovia⌋, 24 Iulii anno Domini 1529.
Tuus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋, orator etc.
[1] Bernard von Höfen stayed with Dantiscus in Spain, as a member of his mission’s retinue, and was used as a trusted courier to Poland at least from 1526 (⌊⌋, No. 259-260, p. 375 and 378; ⌊⌋, No. 148, p. 153-154; ⌊⌋, No. 48, p. 45-49, cf. ⌊⌋, p. 69).
[2] On July 12, 1529 at the latest, Bernard von Höfen came from Spain to Vilnius, where Sigismund I was staying at the time, to obtain new instructions for Dantiscus in connection with extending his stay at the imperial court (see ⌊⌋, No. 277-278, p. 215; ⌊⌋, p. 229-231, 316-320 (No. 12), 399, footnote 172, cf. ⌊⌋, No. 39, p. 43-44; ⌊⌋, No. 21, p. 39; ⌊⌋,
p. 131-138). Bernard soon left Vilnius for Italy via Cracow. He took with him some letters that he delivered to Dantiscus in Genoa on September 1, 1529 (see ⌊⌋, No. 289, p. 224, footnote 1).
[3] Between 1524 and 1532 Dantiscus stayed almost uninterruptedly at the court of Emperor Charles V as a resident representative of the king and queen of Poland (cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 2!!!).
[4] See ⌊⌋, f. G4v, cf. ⌊⌋, f. 263r: Moscovitae, “die Mocowiter”, qui olim Hamaxobitae in extrema Sarmatia versus Septentrionem, ubi montes Hyperboreos esse veteres putaverunt).
[5] A reference to the Crimean Tatars inhabiting the Khanate of Crimea, which was established in 1427 after the Golden Horde’s downfall and in 1475 came under the Turkish sultan’s authority. Under the Sublime Porte’s protectorate the Tatars often launched ravaging attacks on the borderlands, and even on territories deeper within Poland, Lithuania and the Grand Duchy of Muscovy, and were considered a constant threat, which in the Polish Kingdom’s case was supposed to be regulated by the 1533 treaty between Sigismund I and Suleiman I. The Khanate of Crimea was also an object of interest for Muscovy’s diplomacy which often tried to use it as a tool of political and military pressure in relations with Lithuania.
[6] In the present letter Herberstein undoubtedly uses the term Prutheni as referring to Duke Albrecht together with his political circle, who were trying to play a certain independent political role in the Baltic Sea Basin while maneuvering politically between loyalty to the Polish suzerain and to the Reich which did not recognize the secularization of Teutonic Prussia and its surrender to Poland (cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 22).
[7] Probably an allusion to Ferdinand I becoming King of Bohemia and Hungary (with Silesia and Lusatia) and of Croatia in 1526-1527 (see ⌊⌋ footnote 1), and to establishing separate administration centers in 1527: for Bohemia – in Prague, for Hungary – in Pressburg and for Silesia – in Wrocław (Breslau).
[8] Herberstein went on his second mission to Muscovy, to Vasily III, in 1527 (see ⌊⌋, p. 265-275; ⌊⌋, f. C4r-D1r; cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 8).
[9] Herberstein went on his first mission to Muscovy in 1517 (see ⌊⌋, footnote 7).
[10] In 1528 Herberstein was in Piotrków in January and February, during the general diet of the Kingdom of Poland. With Georg von Logschau, he tried to neutralize the actions of the envoys of János I Zápolya, who sought Polish support for Zápolya in the dispute with Ferdinand I over the Hungarian Crown. At the same time, Herberstein was to persuade Sigismund I to declare he would not further support Zápolya in Hungary, in exchange offering Ferdinand I’s help
in regulating relations with Muscovy and the hand of Ferdinand I’s daughter for Sigismund II Augustus. He also conducted intensive espionage activities (intercepting correspondence and documents), and a partially effective campaign among Polish senators aimed at forcing the king to issue an edict recalling Polish soldiers from Hungary. Sigismund I issued such an edict invoking the alleged constitution, but nobody obeyed it as it had no legal foundation. Dismissing Ferdinand’s envoys on February 20, 1528, Sigismund I announced he would not support either side, but would like to effect peace between them, saying prophetically that Turkey could take advantage of the dispute over Hungary and seize all of it (⌊⌋, p. 282-283; ⌊⌋, 366-374; see ⌊⌋, No. 87-88, p. 94-98, No. 115-116, p.123-124, cf. No. 332, p. 320).
[11] Sarmatia – a term taken in the Middle Ages from ancient geographers to denote lands lying east of the Vistula River, linked to the ethnonym of the nomadic and warlike people called Sarmatae. In the Middle Ages and the early-modern period, the term Sarmatia was often used as a broader term for what today is called Eastern Europe. Sarmatia was divided into: European Sarmatia (Sarmatia Europea vel Europiana) – most often identified, as is the case in this letter, with the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania ruled by the king of Poland, and also the Grand Duchy of Muscovy (Moscovia) and Asian Sarmatia (Sarmatia Asiana) stretching east of the Don river, inhabited by the Tatars among other peoples. According to ⌊⌋ (1536): “Sarmatia Europea”, Das ganz Künigreich Polen mit Preussen, Reussen, Lifland, Lituanien und zum Teil Moschoviten. ”Sarmatia Asiatica”, Die gross Tartarey in Asia an dem fluss Tanai unnd Meotidi Paludi, “Sarmatae”, Die alten einwoner Polen und Preussen, etc. and Polonia, Polen, quae prius Sarmatia Europaea. Poloni, die Polecken, Sclavinorum pars (see ⌊⌋, f. A1v; ⌊⌋, f. A4r, cf. Maciej of Miechów 1972, p. !!!; ⌊⌋, f. 264r, 263v, cf. footnote 29). In the 16th-17th centuries the ethnonym Sarmatae was used as a synonym of Poles and specially in Poland as an autonym for the Polish gentry (see e.g. ⌊⌋, No. 31, p. 29: Oratio Ioannis Dantisci oratoris Sigismundi regis Poloniae ad Carolum regem Hispaniarum).
[12] Herberstein stayed in Vilnius from March 20 to April 7, 1529 (⌊⌋, p. 287). The aim of his mission to Sigismund I was to persuade him to actively assist Ferdinand I in the face of the danger to Hungary and the Austrian lands posed by Suleiman I’s campaign. In his reply given to Herberstein c. April 7, Sigismund I stated he could not offer help to Ferdinand I because of the recently signed truce with Turkey aimed at safeguarding the borders of the Kingdom of Poland. He emphasized that divine and human laws obliged him to keep faith even with an enemy. The truce had been signed because Sigismund had not received any support from the Christian rulers. Despite his initiative, they had still not formed an anti-Turkish coalition (⌊⌋, p. 287; ⌊⌋, No. 333, p. 321-322 (document dated between 1 and 7 April 1529, erroneously included in vol. 10 of AT); cf. ⌊⌋, p. 65-70).
[13] Herberstein was in Cracow from July 10 to the end of August, 1529 (⌊⌋, p. 289-290; ⌊⌋, p. 73-75).
[14] According to Ferdinand I’s instructions, in Cracow (without going to Vilnius where Sigismund I and Bona Sforza were at the time) Herberstein was to try to prevent the dispute between Ferdinand I and János I Zápolya over the Hungarian Crown, and to dissuade Zápolya from seeking support from the Turks. Moreover, he was to seek the Polish king’s mediation in the truce between Turkey and Hungary and the Austrian lands. On these matters, Herberstein was to negotiate exclusively with chancellor Krzysztof Szydłowiecki. With vice-chancellor Piotr Tomicki, meanwhile, he was to hold negotiations on Sigismund I granting Ferdinand I a loan for organizing an army against Turkey. In a letter from Vilnius dated July 24, Sigismund I refused the loan, quoting the recently signed truce with Turkey and emphasizing that even the infidels kept their word with respect to signed pacts. On the matter of peace negotiations, Sigismund I stalled for time, promising to send a messenger to Constantinople for a letter of safe conduct for the future mission (see ⌊⌋, No. 288, p. 221; ⌊⌋, p. 73-74; ⌊⌋, p. 75).
[15] Having set off for Vienna from Constantinople on May 10, the Turkish army moved slowly because of rains and flooding of the rivers. After the vanguard reached Belgrade at the end of June, the sultan was expected there in mid-July (see ⌊⌋, p. 75).
[16] Strong anti-German feeling prevailed in Poland at least from 1527, when it came to the fore during the Piotrków diet (see footnote 18). This feeling was most probably fueled by news of the Germans’ cruel treatment of the Hungarians, of which queen Mary of Hungary informed Ferdinand I. On October 25, 1529 Herberstein was almost hit by a brick, while returning from the negotiations held at the Wawel royal castle in Cracow (see ⌊⌋, p. 207, 366-367; ⌊⌋, p. 70, 72, 77-78, 87-88; ⌊⌋, p. 283, 290; cf. ⌊⌋, p. 225).
[17] Slavi (Sclavi, Sclabi, Sclavones, Sclaveni) – an ethnonym that may have already been used by Claudius Ptolemeus in the distorted form Stavani, to denote one of the peoples of European Sarmatia (see footnote 16), beside the term used by Plinius and Tacitus, Venedi; Veneti, which (in the form Venedae) Ptolemeus used to describe the people inhabiting the Vistula river basin. From the 6th century (Jordanes, Gethica, V, 34-35), the term Sclaveni (and its variants) was used and consolidated as a synonym ofVenedi (Veneti; Venedae) – a term for all the Slavs, but particularly used to describe southern Slavdom (up to the Vistula and the Dnester in the north) (cf. ⌊⌋, p. 1). This is the meaning in which it is used here, referring to the royal titles held by Ferdinand I since 1526 and linked to the Hungarian Crown, mainly the title of king of Slavonia, and also including king “of Dalmatia, Croatia, — — Serbia, Galicia, Lodomeria” (cf. footnote 11-12, ⌊⌋, footnote 1; ⌊⌋, f. 264r).
[18] Fiat voluntas illius, qui est in coelis a paraphrase of an excerpt from The Lord’s Prayer, see
cf. Vulg. Mt 6:9-10 Pater noster, qui in coelis es — — fiat voluntas tua ⌊Mt 6:9-10cf. Vulg. Mt 6:9-10 Pater noster, qui in coelis es — — fiat voluntas tua ⌋.
[19] Jan Zambocki maintained contacts with the court in Brandenburg and went on missions to the Prussian Duke Albrecht von Hohenzollern. In 1527, persuaded by Mikołaj Nipszyc, he became a paid informer of duke Albrecht, at the same time serving as a mediator between him and Sigismund I. Zambocki was know at the court as an eccentric. He was among the closest and oldest friends of Dantiscus and Nipszyc. Three friends constituted a “triumvirate” leading the group of courtiers known as the bibones et comedones. Herberstein had known him at least since 1518 (⌊⌋, p. 65; ⌊⌋, p. 24-25; ⌊⌋, p. 76-78; ⌊⌋, p. 271, see also ⌊⌋, No. 90, p. 98-99, ⌊⌋, No. 133, p. 98-99; cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 1, Introduction, p. 26).
| | | 15 | IDL 1045 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Poznań (Posen), 1530-10-08 | received Augsburg, [1530]-10-22
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, BJ, AS (from the former Prussian State Library in Berlin), No. 6. 23
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 19th-century, BK, 1845, 12r
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 14, p. 104-106 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
Iam dudum nil certi habui de Vestra Reverendissima Dominatione, nisi cum ⌊frater Eius⌋ ex ⌊Vilna⌋ per ⌊Cracoviam⌋ ad ⌊Italiam⌋ reverteretur. Interim non dabatur tantum otii, ut saltem respirassem. Nam et nunc in Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis Polonia sum, ubi ⌊reverendissimus dominus Vladislaviensis⌋[2] ad me suas litteras scripsit cupiens, ut et ⌊⌋ ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem curarem perferre, alteras ad illius ⌊nepotem⌋[3]. Velit itaque, ut ⌊nepos⌋ ille possit connumerari inter familiares ⌊serenissimi regis mei⌋[4]. Si in curia ⌊suae maiestatis⌋ essem, adhiberem certe omnes vires meas, si possem illius reverendissimam dominationem gratificari. Nunc autem plus non possum, nisi ut scribo ⌊serenissimo regi meo⌋ litteras illius gratia, alteras ⌊reverendissimo cardinali Tridentino⌋, si quid eisdem efficere possem[5]. Apud nos adhuc nihil novi est. Si quid autem erit scitu dignum, scribam ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem. Quae pristina gratia dignetur me et servitia mea prosequi. Ego item curabo, ut observantia mea referam iuxta possibilitatem meam. Deus Optimus Maximus conservet Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem per multos annos in felicitate et prosperitate.
Ex ⌊Posnania⌋[6] , 8 Octobris anno 1530.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis deditissimus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋
[1] Dantiscus stayed in Augsburg throughout the second half of 1530 in connection with the Reich diet (see ⌊⌋, p. 240-244; ⌊⌋, pp. 138-141, 165-167, cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 14).
[2] Maciej Drzewicki in 1515 took part in the congress in Vienna and then, together with Rafał Leszczyński (see ⌊⌋, footnote 6) and Dantiscus, he went on a mission to Venice on Maximilian I’s behalf (see Introduction, p. 17-18). Drzewicki corresponded with Herberstein and sometimes passed on the political news from his letters to Dantiscus (see e.g. ⌊⌋, No. 346, p. 474-475, cf. Introduction, p. 52).
[3] At least from 1530, Jan Drzewicki stayed with Dantiscus for educational purposes. Borrowing from him, he traveled in Germany and Italy for 11 months. Bishop Maciej Drzewicki thanked Dantiscus on several occasions for his concern and kindness to Jan (see ⌊⌋, No. 73, p. 85, No. 84, p. 92, No. 214, p. 209, No. 257, p. 241-242, No. 288, p. 264-265, No. 312, p. 284, No. 395, p. 377; ⌊⌋, No. 399, p. 40, No. 639, p. 470-471).
[4] Maciej Drzewicki asked Dantiscus (see footnote 4!!!) if he were to return to his country, to ensure Jan Drzewicki a place at a court, preferably the imperial court (see ⌊⌋, No. 312, p. 283-284, cf. No. 395, p. 377).
[5] In his letter of June 3, 1533, Herberstein informed Maciej Drzewicki that he had introduced his nephew to Ferdinand I (see ⌊⌋, No. 291, p. 402). In turn, in his letter from Łowicz dated July 6, 1533, Drzewicki informed Dantiscus that on his way to study in Italy, young Drzewicki had stopped at Herberstein’s place in Vienna and had been introduced not only to Ferdinand I but also – as Drzewicki had wished, according to the mentioned letter of Herberstein – to Bernhard von Cles, the cardinal of Trent and supreme chancellor (⌊⌋, No. 346, p. 474-475).
[6] In October-November 1530, envoys of Ferdinand I (beside Herberstein, they included: Sigmund von Dietrichstein, Johann Pflug von Rabenstein, Beatus Widmann and Wojciech of Pernštein) held negotiations with representatives of Sigismund I on ending the conflict between Ferdinand I and János I Zápolya over the Hungarian Crown. A one-year truce in Hungary was agreed in Poznań, and the terms of the marriage of Sigismund II Augustus to Elizabeth von Habsburg were settled (see ⌊⌋, p. 87-90; ⌊⌋, p. 86-107; ⌊⌋, p. 26-27, cf. ⌊⌋, No. 280-281, p. 258-259). Herberstein arrived in Poznań on October 4, 1530 (see ⌊⌋, p. 41).
| | | 16 | IDL 6528 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, 1531-01-01 — 1531-02-01 Letter lost | received 1531-02-03 — 1531-03-25
Letter lost, reconstructed on the basis of IDL 621 | | | | 17 | IDL 588 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Vienna, 1531-02-03 | received Brussels, [1531]-02-17
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, UUB, H. 154, f. 44
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in Polish, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8246 (TK 8), f. 284
| | 2 | register in English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 30, No. 30
|
Prints: | 1 | DE VOCHT 1961 No. DE, 108, p. 63 (English register) | | 2 | CEID 2/1 No. 15, p. 107-108 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
UUB, H. 154, f. 44v
Reverendissimo domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, episcopo Culmensi, ⌊serenissimi regis Poloniae⌋ etc. oratori apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋, domino suo observandissimo
Ex ⌊Vienna⌋, 3 Februarii anno Domini 1531.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis deditissimus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋
[] Probably a reference both to the letter of accreditation for Dantiscus issued and signed by Sigismund I in Cracow on January 24, 1531, addressed to Ferdinand I (AT, XIII, No. 32, p. 39), and to Sigismund I’s letter of the same date to Dantiscus himself (⌊⌋). These are probably the letters sent by Antonius de Taxis (Tassis), postmaster to the Habsburgs, to Dantiscus from Linz (see ⌊⌋).
[1] On Herberstein’s mediation in sending Dantiscus’ correspondence to the Polish court, cf. letters ⌊⌋, ⌊⌋, ⌊⌋, ⌊⌋, ⌊⌋, ⌊⌋.
[2] A reference to the three-month truce between János I Zápolya and Ferdinand I signed on January 21, 1531 in Visegrad, where Zápolya was represented by Hieronim Łaski and Ferdinand I by Wilhelm von Rogendorf. The truce was to remain in force until April 22, 1531. By that time Łaski was supposed to obtain consent from the sultan in Constantinople for a year-long truce, and to hold further negotiations aimed at reconciling the two kings of Hungary through the mediation of the king of Poland (see
cf. DZIUBIŃSKI p. 81-82 ⌊Dziubiński, p. 81-82cf. DZIUBIŃSKI p. 81-82 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 109-110, 117 ⌊Pociecha, IV, p. 109-110, 117cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 109-110, 117 ⌋; cf. cf. AT 13 AT, XIII, No. 33, p. 39-40; No. 55, p. 57-58, No. 58, p. 60-64, No. 75, p. 77-78, No.77, p. 79-80, No. 82, p. 83-84 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 33, p. 39-40; No. 55, p. 57-58, No. 58, p. 60-64, No. 75, p. 77-78, No.77, p. 79-80, No. 82, p. 83-84cf. AT 13 AT, XIII, No. 33, p. 39-40; No. 55, p. 57-58, No. 58, p. 60-64, No. 75, p. 77-78, No.77, p. 79-80, No. 82, p. 83-84 ⌋; Elementa, XXXV, No. 216, p. 5-6, No. 277, p.40-41, XLVI, No. 36, p. 54-55, No. 37, p. 56-57).
| | | 18 | IDL 6527 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, 1531-04-01 — 1531-05-06 Letter lost | received 1531-05-06
Letter lost, reconstructed on the basis of IDL 621 | | | | 19 | IDL 621 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Esztergom, 1531-05-07 | received Ghent (Gandavum), [1531]-05-29
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, UUB, H. 154, f. 50
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in Polish, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8246 (TK 8), f. 327
| | 2 | register in English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 30, No. 35
|
Prints: | 1 | DE VOCHT 1961 No. DE, 124, p. 406 (English register) | | 2 | CEID 2/1 No. 16, p. 109-113 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
UUB, H. 154, f. 50v
Reverendissimo domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, episcopo Culmensi, oratori ⌊serenissimi Poloniae regis⌋ apud ⌊sacram caesaream maiestatem⌋, domino meo gratiosissimo et observandissimo
In curia ⌊caesaris⌋
UUB, H. 154, f. 50r
Reverendissime Domine, domine observandissime. Post mei et servitiorum meorum commendationem.
Hac nocte sunt mihi allatae ⌊⌋, quibus hortatur, ut adiunctu written over a⌈auu written over a⌉s fasciculus quam primum ad ⌊illustrissimum dominum castellanum Cracoviensem⌋ transmittatur. Quem hodie abhinc ⌊Viennam⌋ versus misi et ordinavi, ut quam primum transmittatur[1]. Misi quoque iam pridem alios duos fasciculos ⌊Cracoviam⌋ iuxta desiderium Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis. Et quod usque hodie ad ⌊⌋ non responderim, in causa est, quod praecise eo tempore vocatus eram ex abrupto in curiam ⌊serenissimi regis mei⌋ venire. Veni et celerrime expeditus ad ⌊serenissimum regem Poloniae⌋ iter arripui[2]. Denuo revocatus et ad hanc provinciam[3] delegatus[4] heri huc[5] cum domino ⌊Wilhelmo de Rogndarff⌋[6] etc. et domino ⌊Leonardo de Fels⌋ etc. veni pro firmandis indutiis annalibus[7]. Duxeram litteras Vestrae ills Reverendissimae Dominationis nomine versus ⌊Cracoviam⌋. Abinde sperabam me bono otio posse Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi respondere. Supplico igitur Eidem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi me in ea re excusatum habere et Sibi persuadere, quicquid in mittendis eiusmodi litteris et aliis quibuscumque potero Illi inservire, id percupide me facturum et cum diligentia.
Misi etiam litteras illas annexas ad ⌊reverendissimum dominum archiepiscopum Rosanensem⌋[8] ad manus domini ⌊Wolfen Grastwein⌋, sororii mei, ut illas praesentet. Apud nos nihil novi habetur, nisi quod quidam ⌊Hungari⌋ practicant, ut neutrum litigantium pro regno suscipiant, sed quendam tertium cuperent[9]. Gens inquieta,
cf. Vulg. Ps (G) 34.4 qui cogitant malum mihi; Vulg. Ps (G) 70.24 qui quaerunt mala mihi; Vulg. Ps (G) 70.13 ⌊quae semper suum quaerit malumcf. Vulg. Ps (G) 34.4 qui cogitant malum mihi; Vulg. Ps (G) 70.24 qui quaerunt mala mihi; Vulg. Ps (G) 70.13 ⌋
. His Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi me et servitia mea denuo commendo.
Ex ⌊Strigonio⌋[10], 7 Maii anno Domini 1531.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis[11] deditissimus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋
[1] This fascicule probably contained Dantiscus’ letter to King Sigismund I dated April 4, 1531 from Ghent, together with an attached copy of Duke Ludwig X of Bavaria’s letter to Dantiscus and a Dantiscus’ letter – which has not come down to us – to queen Bona with the same date. Dantiscus sent this fascicule to Herberstein from Brussels through Leonardo Nogarola. The letters were delivered to the addressees on May 29 (see cf. AT 13 No. 100, p. 97-98, No. 175, p. 175, No. 167, p. 167-168 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 100, p. 97-98, No. 175, p. 175, No. 167, p. 167-168cf. AT 13 No. 100, p. 97-98, No. 175, p. 175, No. 167, p. 167-168 ⌋, cf.
cf. GĄSIOROWSKI 1973 p. 265 ⌊Gąsiorowski, p. 265cf. GĄSIOROWSKI 1973 p. 265 ⌋).
[2] On March 25, 1531, Herberstein was summoned by Ferdinand I to Brno in Moravia in connection with his mission to Poland. On April 4 he received his instructions in Vienna, and set off for Cracow on April 15 (
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 294cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 115-117, 356, note74 ⌊Pociecha, IV, p. 115-117, 356, note74cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 115-117, 356, note74 ⌋;).
[3] A reference to Royal Hungary or more precisely, to the western part of the Kingdom of Hungary under Ferdinand I’s rule, treated here as an integral part of the Reich.
.
[4] On April 26 in Neudorf, Herberstein was turned back from his journey to Cracow (cf. footnote 8!!!) and sent to Hungary (
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 294cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294 ⌋;
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D2v ⌊Herberstein 1560, f. D2vcf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D2v ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 116-117 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 116-117cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 116-117 ⌋;
cf. EFE 25 No. 240, p. 15 ⌊Elementa, XXXV, No. 240, p. 15cf. EFE 25 No. 240, p. 15 ⌋).
.
[5] According to Herberstein’s Selbstbiographie, on May 6 he and the envoys mentioned in the commented letter arrived in Visegrád, on the right bank of the Danube, about 20 km east of Esztergom (Gran). To reach Esztergom, from where the mentioned letter was dispatched on May 7, Herberstein had to turn back westwards. The likely reason seems to be the events linked to the attempted recapture of Gran (taken by Ferdinand I in 1530) by János I Zápolya’s supporters after the three-month truce signed in January 1531 had expired on April 22 (
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 294cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294 ⌋;
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D2v ⌊Herberstein 1560, f. D2vcf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D2v ⌋;
cf. AT 13 No. 162-163, p. 156-158 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 162-163, p. 156-158cf. AT 13 No. 162-163, p. 156-158 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 117 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 117cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 117 ⌋,
cf. ⌊⌋ footnote 8).
[6] Wilhelm Freiherr von Rogendorf (Roggendorf) was first in service at the court of Emperor Frederick III. By the age of 13 he was at the court of archduke Philip von Habsburg the Handsome in the Netherlands and in Spain, and after his death (1506) he entered the service of Maximilian I. Initially a commander (Feldhauptmann) in Italy, but also an envoy to France and Ferdinand II (V) the Catholic. In 1515, with Johann Cuspinian and Lorenz Saurer, he was Emperor Maximilian I’s envoy
during negotiations with Vladislav II Jagiellon during the Pressburg-Vienna Congress. In 1516 he played a major role in the relief of Verona. In 1517 together with Dantiscus he conducted negotiations in Netherlands regarding to considered by Maximilian I new mariage of Sigismund I with Eleanor of Austria. In the same year he was appointed stadtholder of Friesia by Charles I von Habsburg. He was his and his brother Ferdinand I’s commissioner after the death of Emperor Maximilian I, responsible for taking over the inherited Lower Austrian Countries. As the highest field marshal of the German infantry, he fought on the borderland of Spain against the French, where he especially distinguished himself during the recapture of the town of Fuenterrabbia in 1524. In the same year, Charles V appointed him the commander-in-chief of the drabants (yeomen) of the royal guard, and he was chosen a knight of the Military Order of Calatrava, and finally the stadtholder of Catalonia, Roussillon and Cerdagne. In 1529, along with Count Niklas I zu Salm, he was among the commanders of the defense of Vienna under Turkish siege. In Augsburg in 1530, he held talks with
Dantiscus on the Teutonic Order’s claims to secularized Prussia, and during the expedition to Hungary against Zápolya in December of the same year, he unsuccessfully attacked Buda which was being defended by Lodovico Gritti. From 1527 he served Ferdinand I also as the court chief steward (Obersthofmeister), and in the early 1530s gained the reputation of an exceptionally influential person. In 1531, described by Ferdinand I as generalis or supremus capitaneus, together with Hieronim Łaski he conducted negotiations on Hungarian affairs (see letter No. 15, footnote 8). In 1534, Bernhard von Cles entrusted him with the presidency of Ferdinand I’s secret council. Rogendorf resigned from his duties before mid-1539. Against his will, in 1541 he was again appointed the commander in Hungary, for the purpose of capturing Buda. The operation was unsuccessful. Rogendorf was seriously wounded and died in the end of August of that year. His contacts with Dantiscus dated back to the Pressburg-Vienna Congress. Their friendship was consolidated in the 1520s when Dantiscus was staying at the court of Charles V in Spain. Rogendorf was a warm-hearted and widely liked man, enjoying the reputation of a very good Christian, a man of noble manners, righteous and devoid of greed
(cf. GOETZ p. 464-466, 471 ⌊Goetz, p. 464-466, 471cf. GOETZ p. 464-466, 471 ⌋;
cf. Heilingsetzer p. 386 ⌊Heilingsetzer, p. 386cf. Heilingsetzer p. 386 ⌋;
cf. ANKWICZ-KLEEHOVEN p. 81, 84 ⌊Ankwicz-Kleehoven, p. 81, 84cf. ANKWICZ-KLEEHOVEN p. 81, 84 ⌋;
⌊
p. 195
⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 1 p. 194-195 ⌊Pociecha, I, p. 194-195cf. POCIECHA 1 p. 194-195 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 77, 108-110, 115, 117, 122, 165, 240 ⌊IV, p. 77, 108-110, 115, 117, 122, 165, 240cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 77, 108-110, 115, 117, 122, 165, 240 ⌋;
cf. AT 3 No. 433, p. 311-312 ⌊AT, III, No. 433, p. 311-312cf. AT 3 No. 433, p. 311-312 ⌋;
cf. AT 8 No. 231, p. 314-315 ⌊AT, VIII, No. 231, p. 314-315cf. AT 8 No. 231, p. 314-315 ⌋,
cf. AT 13 No. 27, p. 35, No. 33, p. 39, No. 55, p. 57-58, No. 58, p. 61, No. 76, p. 78, No. 97, p. 95, No. 105, p. 101, No. 111, p. 106-107, No. 120, p. 116, No. 162-163, p. 157-158, No. 201-202, p. 196-197, No. 208, p. 202, No. 238, p. 222, No. 386, p. 359 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 27, p. 35, No. 33, p. 39, No. 55, p. 57-58, No. 58, p. 61, No. 76, p. 78, No. 97, p. 95, No. 105, p. 101, No. 111, p. 106-107, No. 120, p. 116, No. 162-163, p. 157-158, No. 201-202, p. 196-197, No. 208, p. 202, No. 238, p. 222, No. 386, p. 359cf. AT 13 No. 27, p. 35, No. 33, p. 39, No. 55, p. 57-58, No. 58, p. 61, No. 76, p. 78, No. 97, p. 95, No. 105, p. 101, No. 111, p. 106-107, No. 120, p. 116, No. 162-163, p. 157-158, No. 201-202, p. 196-197, No. 208, p. 202, No. 238, p. 222, No. 386, p. 359 ⌋;
cf. AT 14 No. 541, p. 831-832; XVI/2, No. 544, p. 301; XVII, No. 450, p. 555 ⌊XIV, No. 541, p. 831-832; XVI/2, No. 544, p. 301; XVII, No. 450, p. 555cf. AT 14 No. 541, p. 831-832; XVI/2, No. 544, p. 301; XVII, No. 450, p. 555 ⌋;
cf. EFE 26 No. 694, p. 146, No. 700, p. 151 ⌊Elementa, XXXVI, No. 694, p. 146, No. 700, p. 151cf. EFE 26 No. 694, p. 146, No. 700, p. 151 ⌋
,
cf. EFE 36 No. 27, p. 45, No. 36, p. 55, No. 47, p. 67, No. 64, p. 91 ⌊XLVI, No. 27, p. 45, No. 36, p. 55, No. 47, p. 67, No. 64, p. 91cf. EFE 36 No. 27, p. 45, No. 36, p. 55, No. 47, p. 67, No. 64, p. 91 ⌋
,
cf. EFE 38 No. 416 ⌊XLVIII, No. 416cf. EFE 38 No. 416 ⌋
, Annexum V, p. 220;
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294, 314, 329, 331 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 294, 314, 329, 331cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294, 314, 329, 331 ⌋;
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D4v ⌊Herberstein 1560, f. D4vcf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D4v ⌋;
cf. letter ⌊⌋8).
[7] A reference to the meeting in Visegrád (see footnote 11!!!) of the envoys of Ferdinand I and representatives of János I Zápolya (including Hieronim Łaski), aimed at signing a one-year truce between the two rulers. The truce, to which Suleiman I consented (see letter No. 15, footnote 8), was signed on May 17 and was to remain in force from May 1, 1531 to April 30, 1532. It was to be guaranteed by the sequestering of the castles of Esztergom (Gran) and Visegrád, then belonging to Ferdinand I, and Kežmarok and Eger, belonging to Zápolya, by the king of Poland and by Georg, Duke of Saxony. A separate document, and ultimately the arbitration of the king of Poland, was to specify the status of the castles taken by Zápolya between the end of the previous truce and May 1, 1531 (
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 195 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 195cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 195 ⌋;
cf. AT 13 No. 111, p. 106-109, No. 161-163, p. 155-158, No. 238, p. 222-223 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 111, p. 106-109, No. 161-163, p. 155-158, No. 238, p. 222-223cf. AT 13 No. 111, p. 106-109, No. 161-163, p. 155-158, No. 238, p. 222-223 ⌋;
cf. EFE 25 No. 253, p. 22-25 ⌊Elementa, XXXV, No. 253, p. 22-25cf. EFE 25 No. 253, p. 22-25 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 117-118, p. 356, footnote 74 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 117-118, p. 356, footnote 74cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 117-118, p. 356, footnote 74 ⌋;
cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 8).
[8] Vincenzo Pimpinella (1485-1534), humanist, Greek scholar, archbishop of Rossano (1525), in 1529-1532 the first resident papal nuntio in Vienna at the court of Ferdinand I. His task was to assist in the efforts to form an anti-Turkish league and in dealing with Hungarian matters, and to counteract the spreading of Protestantism. He was at the diet in Augsburg with Ferdinand I in 1530. In late 1531 inInnsbruck, he was the official witness of the negotiations that Hieronim Łaski (on behalf of János I Zápolya) onducted with Ferdinand I (cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 19). In 1531-32, on Dantiscus’advice, queen Bona commended her affairs at the imperial court to him, and in 1532 Pimpinella tried to obtain governorship of the Duchy of Rossano through Dantiscus’ mediation, but queen Bona turned him down (see
cf. AT 14 No. 139B, p. 216-219, No. 414-416, p. 622-625, No. 420, p. 631, No. 496, p. 766-767 ⌊AT, XIV, No. 139B, p. 216-219, No. 414-416, p. 622-625, No. 420, p. 631, No. 496, p. 766-767cf. AT 14 No. 139B, p. 216-219, No. 414-416, p. 622-625, No. 420, p. 631, No. 496, p. 766-767 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 125, 251, 272 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 125, 251, 272cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 125, 251, 272 ⌋
).
[9] Dantiscus most likely means the plan to surrender to Turkey, which some say the Hungarians were considering in order not to be ruled by two monarchs in dispute over the Kingdom of Hungary: Ferdinand I and János I Zápolya. This is the explanation Dantiscus included in his letter to King Sigismund I, written from Ghent on May 19, 1531, also informing him that Cornelis De Schepper’s mission to the Hungarian states on behalf of Emperor Charles V aimed to prevent those plans (see
cf. AT 13 No. 165, p.166 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 165, p.166cf. AT 13 No. 165, p.166 ⌋). It could be, however, that the mention in the commented letter is a reference to other plans considered by the Hungarians at the time, namely to the activity of a group gathered from 1530, initially around the archbishop of Esztergom (Gran), Paul Várdai, with the aim of reconciling the supporters of Ferdinand I and János I Zápolya, or ultimately even ousting both kings and electing a new ruler of united Hungary. In 1531 this initiative was undertaken by magnate Peter Pérenyi (see ⌊⌋, footnote 14!!!). His agreement with the group of magnates resulted first in summoning the majority of lords and gentry to Bélevár for March 19, 1531, for the purpose of calling a pan-Hungarian grand assembly to Veszprém for May 18, 1531, to debate on ways of uniting Hungary. Both Hungarian kings were seriously troubled by the situation. Ferdinand I forbade his supporters to take part in the grand assembly, while Zápolya called an assembly to Székesféjervár for May 21, thanks to which the Veszprém assembly never came about. This did not, however, end the activity of the pro-unification group; they planned to place 11-year-old Sigismund II Augustus, who had already been crowned the king of Poland, on the throne (he would have had to rule through senator-regents), as Cornelis De Schepper wrote in a letter to Miklós Oláh. Lodovico Gritti’s candidacy had been also promoted (see
cf. OLAH 1875 p. 285-289 ⌊Oláh 1875, p. 285-289cf. OLAH 1875 p. 285-289 ⌋,
cf.
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 128-129, 157-158 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 128-129, 157-158cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 128-129, 157-158 ⌋;
cf. SZÁKALY p. 62-63 ⌊Szákaly, p. 62-63cf. SZÁKALY p. 62-63 ⌋
).
| | | 20 | IDL 6529 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Ghent (Gandavum), 1531-06-15 Letter lost | received Cracow (Kraków), 1531-07-05
Letter lost, reconstructed on the basis of IDL 667 | | | | 21 | IDL 654 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Brussels, 1531-07-20 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 230
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 17, p. 114-115 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 230v
Magnifico domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herberstein⌋, ⌊sanctae Romanorum, Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. maiestatis⌋ consiliario, amico observandissimo.
Mitto iterum Magnificentiae Vestrae hunc litterarum fasciculum, quem, quaeso, ad manus ⌊magnifici domini castellani Cracoviensis⌋ transmittere dignetur cum primis[1].
Quod officium iam toties a Magnificentia Vestra exhibitum, cum coram aliquando fuero, quod brevi spero futurum, omni studio Magnificentiae Vestrae rependam. Nova hoc tempore nulla habemus, quam quod expectamus, quando nos in Germaniam vocare volueritis[2]. Ferunt etiam ⌊regem Scotiae⌋ mortuum et ea de re novas in Scotia turbas oriri[3]. Alia non restant. Magnificentiam Vestram quam diutissime optime valere cupio.
Magnificentiae Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, confirmatus episcopus Culmensis, manu propria.
[1] The fascicule, sent this time from Brussels to Cracow, probably contained a diplomatic report addressed to Sigismund I and carrying the same date as the mentioned letter to Herberstein (see AT, XIII, No. 241, p. 224-228), as well as Dantiscus’ letter to chancellor Krzysztof Szydłowiecki (copy, GStAPK, HBA H, K. 759, V.11.6, f. 9r-12v). Herberstein received those letters on August 11 on the border of Styria, and immediately sent them through the Viennese postmaster on to Cracow (see letter No. 19, footnote !!!), where they arrived on August 17, 1531 at the latest (see AT, XIII, No. 283, p. 261).
[2] A reference to the call to the
Reich diet, expected at the court of Charles V in Brussels; the place and time was to be specified by king of the Romans Ferdinand I (see AT, XIII, No. 194, p.190).The emperor’s departure in August was delayed, among other things by sickness and negotiations with Francis I. Though the diet was to gather in Speyer in the second half of 1531, it ultimately began in April 1532 in Regensburg (see Sutter-Fichtner, p. 96-97; AT, XIII, No. 368, p. 339; cf. letter No. 20, footnote 2).
[3] The mention of alleged unrest in Scotland most likely refers to the events of 1526-28, when the mother of James V – Margaret Tudor, who was the regent in his name – divorced the Earl of Angus, which led his relatives – the Douglas clan – to kidnap and hold James V captive at the FalklandPalace. He managed to escape in 1528, to rule by himself. He ruthlessly repressed the nobles (whose role had grown excessively during the regency), and in terms of religious policy fought against new trends. Dantiscus passed on similarly laconic information about Scotland to Sigismund I (see footnote 3).
| | | 22 | IDL 667 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Klamm, 1531-08-10 | received Brussels, [1531]-08-31
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, UUB, H. 154, f. 71
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8242 (TK 4), a.1531, f. 69-70
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 30, No. 52
|
Prints: | 1 | DE VOCHT 1961 No. DE, 153, p. 406 (English register) | | 2 | CEID 2/1 No. 18, p. 116-119 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
UUB, H. 154, f. 71v
Reverendissimo domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋ episcopo Culmensi, ⌊serenissimi Poloniae regis⌋ oratori apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋ etc. domino suo observandissimo, Hoff
UUB, H. 154, f. 71r
Reverendissime Domine, Domine observandissime. Post mei et servitiorum meorum commendationem.
Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis ⌊⌋ ex ⌊Gandavo⌋ de 1531-06-15⌊15 Iunii1531-06-15⌋ accepi ⌊Cracoviae⌋ 1531-07-05⌊5 Iulii[1] praeteriti1531-07-05⌋. Ubi fasciculum adiunctum meis[2] illico consignavi in manus domini ⌊Nicolai Nypschitz⌋, qui iam iam redierat ex curia ⌊regis mei⌋. Atque ⌊serenissima regina⌋ in continenti Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis litteras ad suam maiestatem datas[3] ad me ... illegible⌈...... illegible⌉ misit dans facultatem legendi primum quasi articulum, ubi ⌊⌋[4], ut ea ⌊serenissimo regi meo⌋ referrem[5]. Veni in curiam s⌊erenissimi regis mei⌋ et illic cum domino ⌊Hieronimo Laski⌋[6] mansi per octo dies[7]. ⌊Ducem Atrii⌋[8] non vidi, cui ad mandatum Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis et omnibus percupide me adaptarem. Dominum autem ⌊Hieronimum Laski⌋ adduxi ex ⌊Cracovia⌋. Qui a quam pluribus terrebatur se, ne se fidei regis mei commiteret, utique ipse me audivit et mihi confidit. Venit quidem et clementer susceptus, tractatus, habitus et remuneratus dimissus[9]. Quem usque ⌊Viennam⌋ et in ipsam navim comitatus sum[10]. Satis contentum se testabatur de rege meo. ⌊Serenissimus item rex meus⌋ laudat hominis dexteritatem et consilium. Deus faxit, ut aliquid boni exinde sequatur. Venturum se pollicebatur cum collegis oratoribus[11] domini sui[12] ad ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋. Respondissem iam antea Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi, attamen non tantum otii dabatur, iam negotiando, iam potando et consumando distractus.
⌊Serenissima regina Poloniae⌋ narravit mihi Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem cupere ab hoc onere legationis absolvi[13] at inquit se Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi respondisse neminem esse, qui tam cito posset informari de his suae maiestatis negotiis[14]. Necesse esse Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem ea in finem deducere. Sua ⌊reginalis maiestas⌋ se omnino ⌊serenissimo rege meo⌋ adiunxit et video iam ferme omnem ⌊Poloniam⌋ mutatam[15] quoad voluntatem erga ⌊serenissimum regem meum⌋, qui promisit se promoturum negotia illa[16] apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋ summa diligentia. Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio promoveat etiam, ut amor inter nostros principes crescat et firmetur, unde omnibus nobis salus. His Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi, quam Deus felicem conservet, me et servitia mea commendo.
Ex ⌊Clam⌋, X Augusti 1531.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis deditissimus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋
[1] After completing his mission to Hungary with the aim of achieving a truce in Visegrád, on May 25 Herberstein was urgently sent to Poland, chiefly in connection with Hungarian affairs (safeguarding the truce by having Sigismund I and Saxon duke Georg sequester castles belonging to Ferdinand I and Zápolya). He set off from Vienna to Cracow on June 6, arrived on June 14, to leave on July 7 (
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294-295 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 294-295cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 294-295 ⌋, cf.
cf. EFE 46 No. 54, p. 74 ⌊Elementa, XLVI, No. 54, p. 74cf. EFE 46 No. 54, p. 74 ⌋;
cf. AT 13 No. 95, 96, p. 94, No. 199, p. 195-196, No. 218, p. 209, No. 221, p. 211 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 95, 96, p. 94, No. 199, p. 195-196, No. 218, p. 209, No. 221, p. 211cf. AT 13 No. 95, 96, p. 94, No. 199, p. 195-196, No. 218, p. 209, No. 221, p. 211 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 117-121 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 117-121cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 117-121 ⌋
, see also ⌊⌋, footnote 8!!!, 10, 14!!!).
[2] This fascicule probably contained Dantiscus’ letter to Sigismund I (see
cf. AT 13 No. 194, p.188-9 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 194, p.188-9cf. AT 13 No. 194, p.188-9 ⌋) and Dantiscus’ unknown letter to queen Bona, mentioned below (see footnote 9).
[3] Unknown letter. Its content can be guessed from queen Bona’s reply to Dantiscus dated on the day Herberstein left Cracow – July 7 (
cf. AT 13 No. 221, p. 211 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 221, p. 211cf. AT 13 No. 221, p. 211 ⌋), from Lodovico Alifio’s letter to Dantiscus (see footnote 11), and from the present letter.
[4] ⌊⌋, dispatched from Bari on March 24, 1531 (delivered in Ghent on May 25), concerns the suspension of navigation in the port of Bari, which hampered trade (AAWO, AB D. 67, f. 62r-v).
[5] The day Herberstein left Cracow – July 7, 1531 – is the date of Queen Bona’s letter to Ferdinand I with assurances of her friendship and confirming her authorization for Herberstein to report on matters he has been entrusted with orally (see
cf. AT 13 No. 218, p. 209 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 218, p. 209cf. AT 13 No. 218, p. 209 ⌋, cf.
cf. AT 13 No. 270, p. 251 ⌊No. 270, p. 251cf. AT 13 No. 270, p. 251 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 119-121 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 119-121cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 119-121 ⌋).
[6] Hieronim Łaski in spring 1531 he went on a mission to Suleiman I to obtain his consent to a year-long truce for Hungary (see ⌊⌋, footnote 8). In Visegrád in May (see ⌊⌋) and in Cracow in July, he negotiated with Herberstein on the terms of the truce and its guarantee (see footnote 4).
[7] After leaving Cracow (see footnote 4), on July 24 Herberstein and Hieronim Łaski reached České Budějovice (Budweiss) where Ferdinand I was staying (
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 295 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 295cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 295 ⌋; cf.
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D2v ⌊Herberstein 1560, f. D2vcf. HERBERSTEIN 1560 f. D2v ⌋).
[8] Herberstein is probably referring to Giannantonio Donato, duke d’Atri, count of Conversano and San Flaviano (d. 1554). We know Dantiscus corresponded with his father, condottiere Andrea Matteo III Acquaviva d’Aragona, duke d’Atri (1457-1529), a close neighbor and friend of Duchess Isabella d’Aragona, mother of queen Bona Sforza.
[9] Cf.
cf. AT 13 No. 309, p. 291 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 309, p. 291cf. AT 13 No. 309, p. 291 ⌋. The unofficial objective of Hieronim Łaski’s stay at Ferdinand I’s court was to discuss the terms of entering the service of the Habsburgs (see cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 122-123 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 122-123cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 122-123 ⌋).
[10] After leaving České Budějovice (Budweiss), Herberstein and Hieronim Łaski traveled via Krems an der Donau to Vienna, from where Łaski set sail along the Danube to Buda on August 5, while Herberstein went to his Klamm Castle near Schottwien am Semmering (see
cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 295 ⌊Herberstein 1855, p. 295cf. HERBERSTEIN 1855 p. 295 ⌋, cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 4).
[11] Together with Hungarian chancellor István Brodarics, designated by King János I Zápolya, and with delegates of the Polish king, Hieronim Łaski was supposed to go on a great mission to the emperor, the pope and the kings of France and England to discuss the peace in Hungary. Ultimately, in early October Łaski set off for the Reich diet called by Emperor Charles V in Speyer. The diet did not gather then, but was called again for early 1532 inRegensburg (began in April). Meanwhile, Herberstein’s reports made Ferdinand I change his stance on resolving the Hungarian conflict with Polish mediation and Łaski’s negotiations at the end of 1531 failed (see
cf. AT 13 No. 286, p. 263-264; No. 309, p. 291-292 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 286, p. 263-264; No. 309, p. 291-292cf. AT 13 No. 286, p. 263-264; No. 309, p. 291-292 ⌋;
cf. AT 13 No. 83, p. 141-142 ⌊AT, XIV, No. 83, p. 141-142cf. AT 13 No. 83, p. 141-142 ⌋;
cf. EFE 35 No. 282, p. 42-43 ⌊Elementa, XXXV, No. 282, p. 42-43cf. EFE 35 No. 282, p. 42-43 ⌋;
cf. DEGGELLER p. 42 ⌊Deggeller, p. 42cf. DEGGELLER p. 42 ⌋;
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 122-128 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 122-128cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 122-128 ⌋).
[12] János I Zápolya (1487-1540), voivode of Transylvania (1511), a representative of Hungarian magnates related to the Jagiellons (his sister Barbara was the first wife of King Sigismund I); in November 1526 he was proclaimed the “national” king of Hungary by a part of the Hungarian nobility (against Ferdinand I) and crowned, which led to a division of the Kingdom of Hungary that had far-reaching consequences. In 1539 he married Isabella – daughter of King Sigismund I and Bona Sforza.
[13] A reference to Dantiscus’ request, put forward with increasing forcefulness at least from 1528, to relieve him of his long-lasting diplomatic service at the court of Charles V, which had lasted uninterruptedly since his departure from Cracow in March 1524. Dantiscus was formally recalled to Poland in February 1532 (see ⌊⌋, footnote 2!!!).
[14] Most likely a reference to matters of the Italian duchies of Queen Bona: the duchies of Bari and Rossano. In 1524, after the death of Isabella d’Aragona – Queen Bona’s mother – envoys Lodovico Alifio (see footnote 10) and Dantiscus were entrusted with taking over this inheritance. Dantiscus, as a resident representative of the king and queen of Poland at the imperial court in 1524-1532, dealt with all matters related to Queen Bona and Sigismund I entering into possession of the Italian duchies, to administration of the duchies and to the income derived from them (see
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 211-296 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 211-296cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 211-296 ⌋; cf. letter ⌊⌋, footnote !!!).
[15] A reference to the merely opportunistic change of attitude towards Ferdinand I after the hostile mood that Herberstein had commented on in 1529 (see ⌊⌋, footnote 27).
[16] Another reference to matters of the duchies of Bari and Rossano. Most likely Ferdinand I’s vague reply to the queen Bona’s letter of July 7, 1531 includes a promise to support these very issues (see footnote 13;
cf. AT 13 No. 270, p. 251 ⌊AT, XIII, No. 270, p. 251cf. AT 13 No. 270, p. 251 ⌋, cf.
cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 121 ⌊Pociecha IV, p. 121cf. POCIECHA 4 p. 121 ⌋).
| | | 23 | IDL 846 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Grub, 1531-08-17 | received Brussels, [1531]-09-06
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, AAWO, AB, D. 63, f. 22
| | 2 | register with excerpt in Latin, English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 31, No. 437 bis, 22
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in Polish, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8246 (TK 8), f. 384
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 19, p. 120-122 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
AAWO, AB, D. 63, f. 22v
Reverendissimo domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, episcopo Culmensi, serenissimi ⌊Poloniae regis⌋ oratori apud ⌊caesaream maiestatem⌋, domino suo gratioso et observandissimo
⌊⌋ Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis de 20 Iulii ad me datae ms. datas(!)
⌈dataedatae ms. datas(!)
⌉ una cum fasciculo ad illustrissimum et magnificum dominum, dominum ⌊castellanum Cracoviensem⌋ sunt mihi praesentatae undecima praesentis, quando ingrediebar fines ⌊Styriae⌋[1]. Quem fasciculum eadem die per postas ex Khinberg[2] ⌊Viennam⌋ versus misi inconiungendo magistro postarum Viennae exsistenti[3] cito diligentissime curet, illum ⌊Cracoviam⌋ mittat. Quod sine dubio facturum confido. Et si quod in multo maiori possem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi inservire, id animi desiderio facerem ... illegible⌈...... illegible⌉ et faciam semper. ⌊⌋ Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi ant<e> paucos dies reditum meum ex ⌊Polonia⌋ et quod illic egerim, fasciculumque illum tunc ad me missum in manus domini ⌊Nicolai Nypschiti⌋ consignasse[4]. Ab eo tempore non est, quod dignum sit ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem perscribere, nisi quod dominus meus ⌊comes Nugarolis⌋[5] sollicitus est admodum suis litteris, ut saltem litterae Reverendissimae Dominationis Vestrae diligentissime per me curentur. Atque ita Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi me et servitia mea denuo commendo.
Ex aedibus ⌊coniugis meae⌋ ⌊Grueb⌋[6], 17 Augusti anno Domini 1531.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi deditissimus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstein⌋.
[1] After returning from his mission to Cracow, Herberstein traveled via České Budějovice (Ger. Budweiss) and Vienna to his Klamm Castle near Schottwien am Semmering (see ⌊⌋, footnote 4), from where he went to his family estates in Western and historical Lower Styria (Untersteiermark, today’s northeastern Slovenia), including Pettau (Slov. Ptuj) (see ⌊⌋, p. 295, cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 15, 18; cf. footnote 5 below).
[2] See ⌊⌋, p. 300, with a description of the journey from Schottwien to Graz in 1532.
[3] Probably a reference to the Viennese postmaster of the court post (Hofpost) of Ferdinand I, established in 1523 under the administration of Gabriel von Taxis, or to the Viennese postmaster of the imperial post, whose general administrator was Johann Baptista von Taxis (c. 1470-1541), appointed by Emperor Charles V in 1520 (cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 3, ⌊⌋, footnote 3).
[4] See ⌊⌋, footnote 3.
[5] Count Leonardo Nogarola in 1526 went on a mission to Hungary with Herberstein. Also with him, as an envoy of Emperor Charles V, and with papal nuntio Giovanni Francesco Citus de Potentia, bishop of Skara, he went on a mission to Moscow in 1527. With Joseph von Lamberg in 1532, he conducted fruitless negotiations on behalf of Ferdinand I concerning a lifelong peace with Suleiman I the Magnificent, offering the sultan 100,000 ducats. In 1535, he took over from Martin de Salinas as Ferdinand I’s resident ambassador at the court of Charles V. Dantiscus met him at the imperial court in Ghent and Brussels in 1531. At the time, Nogarola mediated in dispatching Dantiscus’ letters to the Polish court. There are three known letters from Nogarola to Dantiscus, from 1528, 1531 and 1538 (⌊⌋; ⌊⌋, ⌊⌋; ⌊⌋; p. 265, 271, 274, 275, 279, 316; ⌊⌋, p. 37; ⌊⌋, p. 52, footnote 21; ⌊⌋, p. 411; ⌊⌋, 205-207, 532, footnote 247; ⌊⌋, p. 75, 108, 127, 155-156, 159, 266; ⌊⌋, p. 147; ⌊⌋, p. 148, 187-192, 269; cf. ⌊⌋, footnote 5).
[6] In September 1522, the wedding of Herberstein and Helena von Graswein took place in Grub. The estate and residence at Grub bei Piber (described as a Schloss in 1580) remained in Helena von Graswein’s hands after the death of herfirst husband Wolf von Saurau, probably as pledged security for her dowry, and one can assume it was used by her at least until 1542. Apart from records in the Styrian land registers, this residence’s location near Piber (and not, as the publisher of Selbstbiographie suggested, near Weiz – northeast of Graz)is also suggested by Herberstein’s itineraria from the years 1522, 1531 and 1532 in his Selbstbiographie (see ⌊⌋, No. 413, p. 459-460; ⌊⌋, p. 263, 295, 300).
| | | 24 | IDL 677 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN, Brussels, 1531-08-29 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 204r-v
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 20, p. 123-124 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 204v
Magnifico domino ⌊Sigismundo de Herberstein⌋, ⌊serenissimae Romanorum, Hungariae et Bohemiae regiae maiestatis⌋ consiliario, domino tamquam
fratri carissimo.
Onero iterum Magnificentiam Vestram hoc litterarum fasciculo[1]. Quam summopere rogo, non velit moleste ferre, quod toties hoc officium praestari petam, repensurus id aliquando omni studio, ubi vicissim Magnificentiae Vestrae usui esse possim. Uberioremque Magnificentiae Vestrae gratiam referet illustrissimus dominus ⌊castellanus, regni Poloniae cancellarius⌋, cui in litteris meis mittendis non parum gratificatur. Nova non sunt alia, quam quod exitus ⌊hinc⌋ noster versus ⌊Spiram⌋ dilationem accepit[2]. Quidam dicunt ⌊maiestatem caesaream⌋ in ⌊Cambray⌋ convenire debere cum sorore sua ⌊regina ⌊Franciae⌋⌋ etc. Magnificentiam Vestram faustissime valere cupio.
Ex ⌊Bruxellis⌋, 29 Augusti anno Domini 1531.
Magnificentiae Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, confirmatus episcopus Culmensis
[1] This fascicule contained letters, unknown to the editors, to Sigismund I and to queen Bona, and an unknown copy of Emperor Charles V’s letter to his personal council. The fascicule reached Cracow on October 10, as seen in the original fair copy of queen Bona’s reply (see BCz, 3465, p. 203-206), unknown to the publishers of AT, XIII (see AT, XIII, No. 355, p. 331, No. 356, p. 332 (printed from copies)). For more about Dantiscus’ correspondence sent through Herberstein, cf. letters No. 15-19,21.
[2] A Reich diet with the participation of Emperor Charles V was originally to be held in Speyer in the second half of 1531. It ultimately began in Regensburg in April 1532 (cf. letter No. 17, footnote 5, letter No. 18, footnote 19).
| | | 25 | IDL 688 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Klamm, 1531-09-25 | received Brussels, 1531-10-17
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 53
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8242 (TK 4), a.1531, f. 82
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 31, No. 244
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 21, p. 125-127 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 53v
Reverendissimo domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋ episcopo Culmensi, serenissimi ⌊Poloniae regis⌋ oratori apud ⌊caesaream et catholicam maiestatem⌋, domino suo gratioso et observandissimo
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 53r
Reverendissime Praesul et Domine, Domine observandissime. Post servitiorum meorum commendationem.
Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio ⌊⌋ ad me de 29 Augusti, me iterum onerare fasciculo litterarum annexo, hortaturque, ne moleste feram, quod toties hoc officium praestari petat etc. Profecto, cf. Vulg. Mt 11:30 iugum enim meum suave est et onus meum leve est ⌊si id onus meretur dici, suave mihi estcf. Vulg. Mt 11:30 iugum enim meum suave est et onus meum leve est ⌋, atque ita tali adhortatione non indiget. Immo ego supplico Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi dignetur ex gratia me eiusmodi oneribus onerare, nec iucundius mihi accidere potest, quam Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi omnibus horis servire. Percupide etiam semper servio illustri domino ⌊castellano Cracoviensi⌋. Scio etiam agi et tractari negotia serenissimorum ⌊regis et reginae Poloniae⌋, quorum maiestatum fidelis et devotus servitor semper fui et sum et ero in saecula saeculorum. De fama conventus caesareae maiestatis cum ⌊sorore sua⌋ mecum ⌊⌋ Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi quam maximas gratias ago. Apud nos alia non sunt nisi illa victoria ⌊serenissimi Poloniae regis⌋ contra perfidum suum ⌊hostem⌋[1], quae nos omnes exhilaravit. Cuius instructu ⌊Valachum⌋[2] huc attentaverit, iam quoque scimus[3]. Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio absque amplius dubio illa omnia habet. Quidquid deinde sperandum, facile coniecturari potest. Propterea coniugamus manus nostras et salvi erimus. Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio tamquam director promoveat Sua industria et dexteritate. Cui me et servitia mea iterum et iterum commendo.
Ex ⌊Clam⌋, 25 Septembris 1531.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis deditissimus servitor ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋
[1] A reference to the victory of Hetman Jan Tarnowski over the forces of Moldavian Hospodar Petru Rareş (see footnote 3) at Obertyn on August 22, 1531. Sigismund I informed Ferdinand I of this in a letter dated September 3, 1531 (⌊⌋, No. 307, p. 289-290). Fulfilling the wish of King Sigismund I from his letter of September 4, 1531 (delivered on September 24) that he spread the word of this victory and the reasons behind the conflict at the court of Charles V and Ferdinand I and among the dukes and estates of the Reich, Dantiscus wrote a propaganda piece in Brussels that was published in Lovanium by Rutgerus Rescius before October 21, 1531, titled: Victoria Serenissimi Poloniae Regis contra Voieuodam Moldauiae Turcae tributarium et subditum parta 22 Augusti 1531, and also in the same year in a French translation in Paris (see ⌊⌋, No. 312, p. 295, No. 337, p. 317, No. 361, p. 335-336, cf. ⌊⌋).
[2] Petru IV Rareş carrying out his plan to establish a great Moldavia, he followed a conflict-oriented policy that led the sultan to oust him from the hospodar’s throne in 1538. At first he was on Ferdinand I’s side, but when Suleiman I supported János I Zápolya, Rareş changed sides and in 1529, as Zápolya’s ally, defeated Ferdinand I’s forces at Földvár (Ger. Marienburg) near Braşov in Transylvania. In late November 1530, as the sultan’s vassal and allegedly with his knowledge, he invaded Pokuttya (Pol. Pokucie – a historical area between the upperPrut and Cheremosh rivers, today in Ukraine), part of the Kingdom of Poland, the outcome being his defeat in the battle of Obertyn (see footnote 1).
[3] Herberstein probably learned about the victory at Obertyn from two letters of Krzysztof Szydłowiecki, written in Cracow, even though the later one, of September 15, 1531, gives no hint as to the instigator of the invasion of Pokuttya. In his letter informing Ferdinand I of the victory at Obertyn (see footnote 1), Sigismund I implied that he knew very well who had put Rareş up to invading Pokuttya. Serious deliberation was given to this issue in Poland, and even in 1530 the most popular conclusion was that it could have been the sultan. Seweryn Boner, however, in his letter of December 22, 1530 to an unidentified official of Ferdinand I, clearly blamed János I Zápolya. The addressee of this letter was probably Herberstein, a correspondent of Boner’s. This is suggested by an expression in the letter addressing the recipient as a participant of the meeting in Poznań in 1530 (see ⌊⌋, footnote 12), and also by the annotation about the delivery of the letter, identical to that accompanying the address in letter ⌊⌋ and similar to the one on letter ⌊⌋7 (verifying this hypothesis would require a comparison of the handwriting of these notes). Perhaps Herberstein’s indirect reference to the man who was Rareş’s inspiration is an intentionally enigmatic allusion to circulating opinions on the role of both the sultan and Zápolya – a protégé of the Polish king (see ⌊⌋, No. 416, p. 398-399, cf. No. 84, p. 92-93, No. 143, p. 138; ⌊⌋, No. 287, p. 264-266; ⌊⌋, No. 182, p. 222, No. 192, p. 232-233, cf. also ⌊⌋, f. D3r; ⌊⌋, 83-85; ⌊⌋, p. 128, 131; ⌊⌋, p. 246).
| | | 26 | IDL 702 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to [Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN], Brussels, 1531-10-23 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, in secretary's hand, author's signature, date in Dantiscus' own hand, OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 135
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 22, p. 128-129 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
⌊⌋ accepi hodie, erantque mihi gratissimae ob singularem illam erga me benevolentiam et veterem amorem, quem prae se ferebant. Habeoque Magnificentiae Vestrae magnas gratias, quod adeo benevolum et propensum in eo officio ad transmittendas litteras se offerat[1], meque vicissim (modo quid in rem et usum Magnificentiae Vestrae praestare possim) offero paratissimum. Fuitque mihi non vulgariter gratum, quod ⌊serenissimi regis mei⌋ victoria[2] adeo Magnificentiam Vestram et amicos exhilaravit. Faxit Deus Optimus Maximus, ut aliquando principes Christiani in his tam periculosis temporibus in commune consulant, quo
aliquid solidi et quod aliquamdiu durare possit in religionis nostrae hostes statuatur. Adminiculum et vires serenissimi regis mei non spero defuturas. Nos tamen hic adhuc in eum eventum cum aliis vicinis regibus nullos facimus apparatus[3]. Sed
cf. Vulg. Io 1.3 omnia per ipsum facta sunt et sine ipso factum est nihil quod factum est ⌊Deus (ut confido) saniorem nobis dabit mentem, sine quo factum est nihilcf. Vulg. Io 1.3 omnia per ipsum facta sunt et sine ipso factum est nihil quod factum est ⌋. Ille Magnificentiam Vestram quam diutissime sospitet et felicem conservet.
Ex ⌊Bruxellis⌋, 23 Octobris anno Domini 1531
Magnificentiae Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, confirmatus episcopus Culmensis, serenissimi Poloniae regis orator, manu propria
[1] See letter CEID 2.1 No. 19, 21. For more about Herberstein’s mediation in transferring correspondence between Dantiscus and the Polish court, cf. letters CEID 2.1 No. 15-21. .
[2] For more about the Polish victory over Moldavian Hospodar Petru IV Rareş at Obertyn on August 22, 1531, see letter CEID 2.1 No. 21, footnote 11.
[3] Dantiscus also wrote about the lack of initiative at the imperial court with regard to forming an anti-Turkish coalition in his letters to King Sigismund I and vice-chancellor Piotr Tomicki dated October 22, 1531 (AT, XIII, No. 368, p. 340, No. 369, p. 343).
| | | 27 | IDL 6253 | Ioannes DANTISCUS to [Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN], Sitzendorf an der Schmida, 1532-07-16 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 241
|
Prints: | 1 | CEID 2/1 No. 23, p. 130-131 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
Cum huc appulissem tandem laqueo contrito cf. Vulg. Ps (G) 123:7 ⌊anima nostra quasi avis erepta est de laqueo venantium laqueus contritus est et nos liberati sumuscf. Vulg. Ps (G) 123:7 ⌋, quo iam octo annis et quinque mensibus fueram vinctus[1], et magnificus dominus Rudolphus de Hefelt[2] in domo sua me humanissime tractasset diceretque se ad Magnificentiam Vestram cras iturum, non potui omittere, quin Magnificentiae Vestrae et absolutionem meam ex hoc tam diuturno ergastulo et hanc benevolentiam, qua me bonus iste dominus prosecutus est, declararem. Quam summopere rogo pro iure veteris nostrae amicitiae, quo mihi aliquid Magnificentiam Vestram debere existimo et quo Magnificentiae Vestrae sum vicissim obligatissimus, velit huic bono domino gratias habere, quod Magnificentiae Vestrae veterem amicum adeo in domo sua humaniter tractaverit. Idque mihi non minus erit gratum, quam id, quod gratissimum seque sic erga illum exhibeat, ut cognoscat me (de quo collatus sum) a Magnificentia Vestra amari. Quicquid ... illegible⌈...... illegible⌉ rursus vel in eo vel in casu magis arduo Magnificentia Vestra a me postulaverit, habitura me est propensissimum. Inter eundum a ⌊Crembs⌋ amisi canem Anglicum magnum[3] feminam, non procul hinc, rogo agat cum domino Rudolpho, ut illam aliquando et meis impensis habere possim. Sunt mihi eiusdem generis, quos mari ex ⌊Antverpia⌋ misi, alii canes, cum quibus illa multos alios propagaret. In eo si Magnificentia Vestra aliquid pro me faciet, super alia in me olim collata beneficia me sibi reddet devinctissimum. Christus dominus noster Magnificentiam Vestram quam diutissime sospitet et prosperet in omnibus.
Magnificentiae Vestrae deditissimus ⌊Ioannes Dantiscus⌋, episcopus Culmensis, serenissimi Poloniae regis orator, manu propria.
[1] From March 1524 to July 1532, Dantiscus was away from Poland, initially to take over the Italian inheritance of Queen Bona (the Duchy of Bari), and then as a resident representative of the king and queen of Poland at the court of Emperor Charles V in Spain (from 1525 formally as an ambassador). At least from 1528, Dantiscus persistently asked to be recalled to Poland. After an unsuccessful attempt at returning in 1529, Sigismund I finally recalled Dantiscus with a letter from Cracow dated February 17, 1532, and appointed Cornelis De Schepper in his place. However, he ordered Dantiscus to remain with the emperor until he had dealt with the matters of the Duchy of Bari that he had earlier been entrusted with, asking him also to remind the emperor about the expiring truce between János I Zápolya and Ferdinand I. Dantiscus received Sigismund I’s letter on April 6, on the day he arrived at the Reich diet in Regensburg, where he was to arrange a matter entrusted to him in 1531, namely getting the sentence of exile for the duke in Prussia, Albrecht von Hohenzollern, lifted or at least suspended. Ultimately, before he left Regensburg he obtained a petition of the estates of the Reich on suspending the exile for two years (which the emperor fulfilled on August 27, 1532). On July 7, 1532, still from Regensburg, Dantiscus reported to the king and queen of Poland that he had dealt with all matters in hand, and he arrived in Cracow on July 28 (see AT, XIV, No. 76, p. 130-132, No. 77, p. 132-133, No. 309-310, p. 488-490, No. 323-324, p. 504-507, No. 355-356, p. 545-548, No. 395, p. 592, No. 404, p. 603, No. 433, p. 646; Elementa, XLVI, No. 59, p. 80, No. 78, p. 100, cf. Zivier, p. 204-207; Pociecha, II, p. 237; IV, 225-229, 256-258, 266-270; Müller-Blessing, p. 142-147; Deggeller, p. 21; Wyczański 1966, p. 56; see also letter No. 18).
[2] Rudolf von Höhenfeld (d. after August 1532), from a Lower Austrian noble family, probably the same Rudolf von Höhenfeld who was in Maximilian I’s service at least from 1497 and who was the administrator (Pfleger) in Waidhofen an der Thaya (in Lower Austria, northwest of Vienna) on his behalf at least from 1504. Southwest of Waidhofen lies Kirchberg am Walde – the residence of the Höhenfelds (1483-1555). It was probably the same Rudolf von Höhenfeld who was married, from c. 1508, to Helena von Stubenberg, daughter of Wolfgang, and who was an assessor of Charles V in 1520, and as a member of the private council of Ferdinand I was in Vienna under the Turkish siege in 1529 (see RI, XIV, 2, No. 4943; XIV, 4, No. 18749; Loserth, p. 161, No. 960-961; Schimmer, p. 18, see also Herberstein 1855, p. 163, 232; Burkert, p. 191-192; NADAL, III, p. 428-429; cf. letter No. 25, footnote 3!!!).
[3] Canis Anglicus magnus – most probably a massively built guard and hunting dog of the old English mastiff breed, described as canis Anglicus by John Caius (1510-1573) in his treatise, published in London in 1570, De canibus Britannicis liber unus (cf. Cummins, p. 15). These dogs were known in Poland at least from the mid-16th century and called brytańskie (British) dogs (see Latin translation of the Second Statute of Grand Duchy of Lithuania (1566), Mikołaj Rej Zwierciadło (1568), cf. SLS, vol. I, col. 1158; SXVI, vol. II, p. 462, vol. XXIV, p. 144)..
| | | 28 | IDL 813 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Vienna, 1532-08-05 |
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, BCz, 243, p. 207-208
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in Polish, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8247 (TK 9), f. 115
|
Prints: | 1 | AT 14 No. 378, p. 571-572 (in extenso; Polish register) | | 2 | CEID 2/1 No. 24, p. 132 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
Bcz 243, p. 208
Reverendissimo Domino, domino ⌊Ioanni Dantisco⌋, episcopo Culmensi etc. domino suo gratioso et observandissimo
Bcz 243, p. 207
Reverendissime Domine, domine observandissime. Post servitiorum meorum commendationem.
Ad ⌊⌋ et mandatum Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis feci diligentiam meam ita, ut caniculam illam deperditam spero in brevi me habiturum[1]. Quam mox Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi transmittam demum latius ad litteras Illius responsurus. Interim me Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi denuo commendo.
Ex ⌊Vienna⌋, 5 Augusti anno 1532.
Eiusdem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis deditissimus ⌊Sigismundus ab Herberstain⌋, liber[2].
[1] Cf. ⌊⌋.
[2] The Latin equivalent of the hereditary title der Frei that Ferdinand I granted to the Herbersteins on November 18, 1531 (see ⌊⌋, p. 295-298).
| | | 29 | IDL 819 | Sigmund von HERBERSTEIN to Ioannes DANTISCUS, Vienna, 1532-08-22 | received 1532-09-02
Manuscript sources: | 1 | fair copy in Latin, autograph, UUB, H. 154, f. 89-90
| | 2 | copy in Latin, 20th-century,
| | 3 | copy in Latin, 18th-century, LSB, BR 19, No. 15
| | 4 | copy in Latin, 18th-century, SUB, Sup. Ep. 4-o 41, No. 8, f. 6r-v
| | 5 | copy in Latin, 18th-century, SBB, MS Lat. Quart. 101, No. 7, f. 18v-20v
| | 6 | excerpt in Latin, 18th-century, SLUB, C 110, f. 24r-25v
| | 7 | excerpt in Latin, 18th-century, BCz, 1366, p. 76-78
| | 8 | excerpt in Latin, 18th-century, B. Ossol., 151/II, f. 8v-9r
| | 9 | excerpt in Latin, 18th-century, BCz, 48 (TN), No. 44, p. 109-110
| | 10 | register with excerpt in Latin, English, 20th-century, CBKUL, R.III, 30, No. 64
|
Auxiliary sources: | 1 | register in Polish, 20th-century, B. PAU-PAN, 8247 (TK 9), f. 126
|
Prints: | 1 | AT 14 No. 401, p. 600-601 (in extenso; Polish register) | | 2 | DE VOCHT 1961 No. DE, 233, p. 156 (English register) | | 3 | CEID 2/1 No. 25, p. 133-137 (in extenso; English register) |
| Text & apparatus & commentaryPlain textText & commentaryText & apparatus
UUB, H. 154, f. 89r
Reverendissime Praesul, domine observandissime. Post debitam mei commendationem.
Cum Vestra Reverendissima Dominatio mihi suo mandato ⌊⌋, ut gratias agerem domino ⌊Rudolpho de Höhnfeld⌋, quia recepisset eam in domum suam etc. sollicitaremque, ut canem illum Anglicum deperditum acquireret[1], feci utrumque. Et primum quidem antequam haberem ⌊⌋ Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis, quia cum ipse hanc receptionem mihi narrabat, dixi illi in hominem gratum beneficium hoc contulisse, cum denique litterae illae mihi praesentatae et in praesentia sua eas legi. De cane autem ego egi, quae potui, et hospes ille diu dubitabat, an mihi illum mitteret, cum haberet a Vestra Reverendissima Dominatione in mandatis domino Rudolpho praesentare. Quem tamen antea miserat usque ⌊Olomuncium⌋ post Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem proprio nuntio, ut ipse asserit. Atque ita vicesima praesentis mensis missus est ille canis. Quem Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi praesenti nuntio mitto supplicando, ut hanc moram meae negligentiae non imputet, sum enim cupidissimus Vestrae Reverendissimae in omnibus obsequi, nollem etiam ingratus notari[2].
Quae[3] autem apud nos aguntur, nollem quoque Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem latere. ⌊Turcus⌋ ⌊Guncium⌋ obsidet quasi decem octo diebus[4], ignobile oppidum, nec causam possumus scire, cur suam potentiam illuc converterit; est quidem unum ex oppidis, quod ⌊Fridericus Imperator Tertius⌋ ex manibus praedonum[5] ⌊Austriam⌋ devastantium eripuerat[6] et intra fines ⌊Hungariae⌋ hodie situm est. Forte ob commeatum illic inductum et exercitus suus fame premitur, utique ante biduum non potiebatur illo. Praeest illi strenuus eques ⌊Nicolaus Iurasitz Croatus⌋, qui ante paucos annos oratorem apud ⌊Turcum⌋ agebat[7].
Nos illic obsidionem expectabamus et videmus frustra, provisi omnibus ferme necessariis. Forte ob id consilium mutavit, et cum falsus sit, sperans omnem Christianitatem in discordia et imperium ac ⌊Germaniam⌋ in tumultu offensurum.
UUB, H. 154, f. 89v
Illustrissimus dux ⌊Fridericus comes palatinus Rheni⌋[8] vicesima praesentis venit usque ⌊Khärneuburg⌋ oppidum duobus miliaribus ab hinc. Quem die sequenti suscepimus – ipse heri huc venit et rediit. Meo iudicio omnes copias imperii[9] nunc in utraque ⌊Austria⌋[10] esse. Coniungemus nostros exercitus, usque ⌊caesaris⌋ copiae venient, quae et paucis diebus venturae sunt[11]. Tandem exsequemur voluntatem Dei nostri.
Dominus ⌊Petrus de la Cueva⌋, commendator vel granmaestro sui ordinis et magister curiae caesareae, orator[12] una cum duce advenit. Pro certo refert dominum Anthonium ⌊Andream de Orio⌋[13] caesarea classe ⌊Bisantium⌋ versus navigasse. Quae omnia Omnipotens dirigat sua gratia, Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi det sanitatem et omnem felicitatem. Quae me sua solita gratia prosequatur.
Datum ⌊Viennae⌋, XXII Augusti anno Domini 1532.
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ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 19v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 19r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 15v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. f. 15r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. f. [1] missed in numbering after 15
AAWO, AB, D. 65, f. 145v
AAWO, AB, D. 65, f. 145r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 16v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 16r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 17v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 17r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 18v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 18r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 20v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 20r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 13v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 13r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 23v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 23r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 14v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 14r
UUB, H. 154, f. 1v
UUB, H. 154, f. 1r
ONB Cod. 13.597, f. 37v
ONB Cod. 13.597, f. 37r
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 29v
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 29r
Bj, BAS, No. 6. 23, p. [2] unnumbered
UUB, H. 154, f. 44v
UUB, H. 154, f. 44r
UUB, H. 154, f. 50v
UUB, H. 154, f. 50r
OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 230v
OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 230r
UUB, H. 154, f. 71v
UUB, H. 154, f. 71r
AAWO, AB, D. 63, f. 22v
AAWO, AB, D. 63, f. 22r
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 204v
ONB, Cod. 13.597, f. 204r
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 53v
AAWO, AB, D. 3, f. 53r
OSK, Fol Lat. 258, f. 135r
OSK, Fol. Lat. 258, f. 241r
Bcz 243, p. 208
Bcz 243, p. 207
UUB, H. 154, f. 90v
UUB, H. 154, f. 89r
UUB, H. 154, f. 89v